Politique, culture, société, économie, diplomatie

Au fil du Web

La rédaction d’Orient XXI utilise le réseau social Seenthis à la façon d’une salle de rédaction ouverte. Loin du fracas de l’information-spectacle, vous avez accès aux informations, aux documents, aux liens que chaque membre de la rédaction recommande sur cette région du monde si importante, et plus encore.

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  • SyrianObserver.com : Syria Will Take Back the Golan and the Sanjak of Alexandretta

    Un étonnant article publié dans un journal officiel syrien


    When the war against Syria began in 2011, the Zionist enemy was still occupying the Golan Heights and the Turkish enemy was still occupying the Sanjak of Alexandretta.

    Over the years, the Syrian Arab Army has managed to dismantle the conspiracies led by the United States and other colonial powers, in which the Zionist enemy and the Turkish enemy participated. According to the new balance of powers in the region, when the war in Syria comes to an end, the Zionist enemy will be forced to withdraw fully from the Golan without alleged peace deals that follow the Camp David, Oslo and Arabah models. The withdrawal will be without conditions and similar to the Zionist withdrawal from southern Lebanon in 2000. The Zionist enemy has a crippling fear about entering into a direct war with the Syrian Arab Army, whose military and fighting capabilities have developed greatly and has stunned the Zionist enemy. The enemy has tried and failed more than once to test the Syrian air defenses. Syria is fully prepared to enter into a war and liberate the occupied Arab territory in the Golan.

    Of course, the same new equations apply to the Turkish enemy, which will be forced to withdraw from Syrian territory which it occupies, because the Syrian Arab Army and its allies will not accept anything but the full liberation of Syrian Arab territory, which has been occupied by aggressor nations which are either directly engaged in this war or which have been occupied by terrorist takfiri groups who work as proxies for them. After that, Turkey will have to withdraw from the Sanjak of Alexandretta which has been historically occupied and which the Syrian state will not allow to remain occupied. The Syrian Arab Army is ready to enter into a war to liberate it — with God as our witness.

  • Enfin un article détaillé sur la vie de #Cheikh_Imam :

    Cheikh Imam, porte-voix des colères égyptiennes
    Mouna Chahine, Orient XXI, le 14 août 2018

    L’emprisonnement dure de mai 1969 au 21 octobre 1971. Des proches du président Gamal Abdel Nasser avaient tenté de le convaincre de gracier Cheikh Imam et Fouad Negm, mais il avait refusé : « ils ne sortiront pas de prison tant que je suis vivant. » C’est le cas, puisque le président égyptien meurt le 28 septembre 1970.

    Les deux hommes avaient mis à profit leur séjour en prison pour donner libre cours à leur créativité : plus de vingt chansons. Negm écrivait, Cheikh Imam mettait en musique ; ils profitaient des quinze minutes de récréation quotidienne pour se coordonner. Parmi les chansons écrites et mises en musique en prison, on trouve « Qayadou echama’a » (« Allumez la bougie ») , « Halawila », Bahia…

    Au mois de janvier 1972, des manifestations éclatent au Caire en raison des tergiversations de Sadate à déclarer la guerre à Israël. Ils composent la chanson "رجعوا التلامذة يا عم حمزة للجد تاني" (« Les étudiants sont de retour »), et sont arrêtés une nouvelle fois pendant 25 jours. Leur célébrité s’accroît encore et leurs chansons se diffusent.

    #Musique #Musique_et_politique #musique_arabe #Egypte

  • In nearing deal with Israel on Gaza, Hamas wins achievements through military resistance

    Netanyahu, who has no clear goal on Gaza, prefers to be weak on terror and not find himself in an endless war in the Strip

    Amos Harel
    Aug 15, 2018


    The two sides clashing in the Gaza Strip, Israel and Hamas, seemed to be closer on Tuesday evening than anytime during the past few months to “the small arrangement” – a full cease-fire that includes a halt to all acts of violence, alongside the first easing of the blockade on Gaza.
    To really understand Israel and the Palestinians - subscribe to Haaretz
    If the efforts to broker the deal by the United Nations and Egyptian intelligence work out, and optimism in Israeli defense circles could be heard for the first time on the matter Tuesday evening, then it is possible that quiet could return to the border between Israel and Gaza for at least a few months.
    Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu has examined the possibility of calling early elections over the past few days, because of the coalition crisis over the law on drafting the ultra-Orthodox, along with other considerations. A stable cease-fire in Gaza would allow Netanyahu to conduct the election campaign from a position of relative stability, without having to continually fight back against the accusations that he has abandoned the residents of the south to rockets and incendiary kites.
    >> Hamas is exploiting Netanyahu’s unwillingness to go to war | Analysis

    Minister of Defense Lieberman, Prime Minister Netanyahu and Chief of Staff Eisenkot at the graduation ceremony for officers’ course at Training Base 1.Ariel Hermoni / Ministry of Defense
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    The negative side of the understandings with Hamas for Netanyahu is that he is in practice negotiating with Hamas. His denials haven’t convinced anyone. Netanyahu knows exactly to whom the mediators are delivering his answers. It has happened in the past too, under Ehud Olmert’s government after Operation Cast Lead, and on Netanyahu’s watch too, after both Pillar of Defense and Protective Edge. But it seems that this time it is even clearer and more unforgiving.
    It will also be a victory from Hamas’ point of view. The organization began escalating the tensions along the border with mass protests on March 30, from a position of deep distress. The understandings are expected to ease the Israeli pressure on the Gaza Strip and give Hamas breathing room. At the same time, the understandings promise Hamas another achievement: being identified as an important and legitimate partner for regional agreements. And Hamas achieved all this through military resistance, in complete opposition to the line taken by its rival Palestinian camp, Fatah and the Palestinian Authority.

    The step that is now coming together was woven by the United Nations special envoy for the Middle East peace process, Nickolay Mladenov, with the active help of Egyptian intelligence. The latest round of violence, which came last week, sped up the renewal of contacts and may have even advanced the willingness of the two sides to reach an agreement.
    It seems that Netanyahu has chosen the least bad option. It is very possible he will spare the lives of dozens of Israeli soldiers and civilians, who could very well have died in a wide-scale military conflict in Gaza in the next few months. Because Netanyahu never set a clear and attainable goal for himself for an attack on Gaza, he is willing to endure criticism from both the left and right on his demonstration of weakness in the face of terrorism, and not find himself in the middle of a war whose end, the how and why of it, would be a riddle to him.

  • La France et l’Angleterre au bord de la crise de nerfs (1) : Guide de la France pour un musulman bien modéré | La série documentaire

    Une série documentaire d’Ilana Navaro, en collaboration avec Samuel Everett, anthropologue au Woolf Institute/University of Cambridge. En forme de lettres écrites à Usbek, le personnage des « Lettres Persanes » de Montesquieu, cette série de quatre heures propose un voyage à travers la France et l’Angleterre, comparant les deux pays dans leur rapport au multiculturalisme. Sur un ton ironique, Usbek est invité, trois siècles plus tard, à découvrir l’assimilationnisme à la française et le pluralisme à l’anglaise. Durée : 55 min. Source : France Culture


  • Qui sont les féministes du monde arabe ? - ChEEk Magazine

    Nasawiyat ! sonnerait presque comme une injonction cinq années après le début des printemps arabes : ce nom, qui signifie féministe en arabe, est aussi le titre de la série de portraits de jeunes femmes militantes, réalisés par la jeune journaliste Charlotte Bienaimé et diffusés dès 2014 sur France Culture. Ce sont ces rencontres radiophoniques qui lui ont inspiré le livre, paru en début d’année, Féministes du monde arabe, Enquête sur une génération qui change le monde.

    Je mets cette référence sur seenthis, en fait je cherchais un texte féministe écrit en arabe (je ne parle pas arabe) je croyais facile de passer d’une langue à l’autre sur internet, pff, naïve que je suis. Ou alors ignorante des passerelles … mais vous, vous êtes déjà allé sur un site chinois, arabe, inuits, que sais-je, ça doit être facile depuis un moteur de recherche, je ne parle pas de commerce hein, juste comme ça, par curiosité, du tourisme web.

    Et quand je demande à google de traduire « féministe » en arabe il me donne #نسوية et me suggère

    Définitions de féministe
    Personne qui favorise le féminisme.
    C’est un féministe, un homme rose !

    Mais franchement où est-ce qu’il sont allés trouver cette définition de l’#homme_rose ?


  • Antisémitisme : le leader travailliste britannique Jeremy Corbyn à nouveau dans la tourmente

    Plusieurs erreurs dans un article du Monde


    Le Daily Mail a publié samedi une photo montrant M. Corbyn en 2014 tenant en ses mains une couronne de fleurs lors d’une cérémonie à Tunis. Celui qui était alors simple député était sur place pour une conférence consacrée à la Palestine, organisée par le président tunisien. A la fin, deux gerbes de fleurs ont été déposées sur des tombes palestiniennes.

    La première commémorait 47 Palestiniens tués dans une attaque aérienne israélienne sur une base de l’Organisation de libération de la Palestine (OLP) en 1985. M. Corbyn affirme que c’est ce que la photo du Daily Mail montre. La seconde a été déposée sur les tombes de Salah Khalaf, le fondateur de Septembre noir, Fakhri al-Omari, son bras droit, et Hayel Abdel-Hamid, le chef de la sécurité de l’OLP. Tous les trois ont été assassinés vingt ans après l’attentat de Munich par le Mossad, les services secrets israéliens. C’est cette cérémonie à laquelle M. Corbyn dit avoir été simplement « présent ».

    Noter : que Salah Khalaf, aussi connu sous le nom d’Abou Iyad, a été assassiné par le groupe Abou Nidal. Mais le réduire à fondateur de Septembre Noir est une absurdité : il était un des principaux compagnons d’Arafat et un des principaux dirigeants de l’OLP. Il a soutenu les évolutions politiques de l’organisation après 1973. Il faut lire le livre qu’Eric Rouleau lui a consacré « Palestinien sans patrie ».Pourquoi refuserait-on de déposer des fleurs sur sa tombe ? Il faudrait alors refuser aux dirigeants étrangers d’aller sur la tombe de Yasser Arafat.

    La campagne engagée contre Corbyn ne vise pas des dérives antisémites, mais bien la solidarité avec les Palestiniens. Il est dommage que Le Monde y contribue.

    A relire sur OrientXXI

  • Palestinian protesters in Gaza: Don’t wound us – kill us -

    How many of the young people protesting at the Gaza border fence hoped the soldiers facing them would pull the trigger and end their lives? Unfortunately, many

    Amira Hass
    Aug 13, 2018

    “A person who was shot in the leg and had his leg amputated weeps. Not because his leg is gone, but because the soldier didn’t kill him.”
    How many of the young people protesting Friday at the Gaza border fence hoped the soldiers facing them would pull the trigger and end their lives?
    Many. Many more than is reported or than the Palestinians are prepared to or can admit publicly. 
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    “A person who was shot in the leg and had his leg amputated weeps. Not because his leg is gone, but because the soldier didn’t kill him,” said someone who came out of the Gaza Strip for a few days. He told of a 30-year-old man who went up to the fence a few times, was wounded a few times, until he got lucky and the soldier on the other side finally killed him. We’ll get to the women too, soon enough, but we’re treading carefully.
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    What is the ratio between the number of those seeking to continue protecting the principles of the Palestinian struggle – by protesting at  the border fence – and the number of those using the patriotic-nationalistic mantle to commit suicide, knowing that Islam prohibits “ordinary” suicide?
    >> Hamas is exploiting Netanyahu’s unwillingness to go to war | Analysis
    We don’t know. Israel doesn’t allow us to enter the Gaza Strip to ask these questions and seek answers. Phone calls are not enough, and so we depend on reports from people coming out – Palestinians and foreign journalists.
    >> No Fuel, No Gas: Israel Clamps Down on Gaza Over Airborne Firebombs
    Perhaps the protesters are motivated simultaneously by the two goals, and their distance from the fence shows the ratio between their desire to die and their fight for freedom? But many people who are very far from the fence come to see what’s going on, one foreign reporter said. That’s not a struggle, it’s a kind of pastime, because there’s nothing else to do and the sea is full of floating excrement. This journalist, who has known the Gaza Strip for more than 20 years, concludes: When everyone has to find ways to survive, there’s no room for thinking about the national struggle. 
    Many of them are young people who go to the fence to be wounded, thinking that Hamas will pay them, and then they can pay their debts at the grocery store or pay their rent for two months. It’s true: Hamas pays the injured a one-time payment of $200, I’m told. But only if the injury was serious.

    Someone who was slightly injured and went to a Hamas office to ask for money was turned away. Someone else was fortunate – his injury was worth compensation, then he went to the fence to be wounded again, and received compensation again. 
    But the wounded quickly discover what they did not take into consideration at first: Injuries have their own costs (beyond pain and disability). Surgery is covered. But medications are lacking, so their family goes deeper into debt to pay for them, or not. And then the flesh is infested with worms and it rots. And that’s not a metaphor.
    Some people deluded themselves that their family would receive large compensation if they were killed, or that payment for injury would come on a monthly basis. They still think it’s like the second intifada, when Saddam Hussein and Iran sent money for these purposes and the Palestinian Authority bore the burden. Those days are gone forever. 
    On Ramadan the young people went on the marches because a nourishing meal to break the fast was waiting for them, provided by Hamas. On other days they would receive a sandwich and a drink at the protest tents. Yet they are at risk even if they are not standing next to the fence, but rather are some distance away, near the tents, as attested to by a journalist who was standing near the tents last week when a bullet fired by one of our heroic soldiers flew right past his ear.
    Over the weekend, written proof emerged of the mixture of a death wish and commitment to the struggle. Abdallah al-Qatati, 20, was a volunteer paramedic who went every Friday to rescue unarmed people wounded by the strongest army in the region. Ten days ago he wrote a Facebook post, and people who shared it said it was his last: “As on every Friday, I go to the border, but this Friday is different. I’m going like any young revolutionary protecting his homeland and his land. We don’t care about the goals of the march or the goals of any organization in this march. What is important to us is our land and our dignity. And in short, we are fleeing unto death. In the hope that the second death will be more merciful than the first. And that’s the end of the story.” 
    In other words, life in Gaza is also death, of a different kind. On Friday, an Israeli soldier shot the medic al-Qatati and killed him.
    And now to the women protesters: Since they are few, this could seem like an accusation, or scorn, which will draw protests. But a Palestinian woman who spoke with women who go to the fence says she believes that few of them do it for national reasons, or that gradually the national reasons gave way to personal-economic reasons. Some of them went to be wounded and receive compensation. One went to be close to her son who was protesting. And many went to die – one whose husband refused to give her a divorce, another who was unmarried and felt that society considered her damaged goods, a third who was a victim of family violence and a fourth who couldn’t stand the poverty, the constant chasing after a shekel for milk and drops of water from the faucet. We are familiar with the phenomenon of women in the West Bank who committed suicide-by-soldier.  
    Poverty in Gaza has reached unimaginable, indescribable levels, even for people who are allowed to go in and see it. The despair growing there behind the iron wall that Israel has built is still seeking the lexicon with which it can be depicted.

  • Toulon, épicentre et bastion de l’idée coloniale | François Madiras

    Dans le cadre de « L’encyclopédie de la colonisation française » publiée par l’éditeur Les Indes savantes et dont les deux premiers volumes sont parus en 2017, le directeur de l’ouvrage, Alain Ruscio, avait sollicité François Nadiras, pour qu’il rédige un article sur Toulon et la colonisation. Il avait envoyé un texte qu’Alain Ruscio a proposé à notre site de publier, en hommage à son auteur décédé le 28 août 2017. Il paraîtra dans un prochain volume de cette encyclopédie. Nous y ajoutons l’intervention prononcée, le 1er septembre 2017, au nom de la Ligue des droits de l’homme, par Gilles Manceron, lors des obsèques de François Nadiras, à Cuers. Source : Histoire coloniale et (...)

  • Les premières images de la barrière maritime israélienne bloquant Gaza
    Agence Media Palestine | Traduction : J. Ch. pour l’Agence Média Palestine | Source : Middle East Monitor | 6 août 2018

    Le ministère de la Défense d’Israël a diffusé hier les premières images de sa barrière maritime destinée à aggraver le blocus de la Bande de Gaza assiégée. La barrière se situe sur la plage de Zikim, approximativement à trois kilomètres de la frontière nord de Gaza. Le projet devrait être achevé pour la fin de 2018 et coûter environ 25 millions de shekels (6.7 millions $).

    Quand elle sera achevée, la structure s’étendra sur 200 mètres dans la mer Méditerranée, coupant encore plus la Bande de Gaza d’Israël. La barrière sera constituée de trois couches, une base sous-marine, une plate-forme de 50 mètres de large en pierres blindées au niveau de la mer et une barrière de 6 mètres de haut en barbelés. Une clôture supplémentaire entourera ensuite la barrière elle-même en tant que « mesure de sécurité additionnelle ».

    La barrière a reçu les félicitations du ministre de la Défense Avigdor Liebermann. « La construction de cette barrière autour de la Bande de Gaza, à la fois sur terre et en mer, progresse à une allure impressionnante », a dit l’homme d’extrême droite. « Chaque jour qui passe voit nos capacités antiterroristes autour de la Bande de Gaza se renforcer. » D’après Ma’an, Liebermann a ajouté que « Le Hamas perd un peu plus tous les jours de sa capacité à attaquer Israël ». (...)

  • Demonstrate with the Arabs - Haaretz Editorial -
    The place of Livni and the other opposition leaders is in Rabin Square, alongside the Arab community. Their struggle is the struggle of all Israelis, Jews and Arabs alike

    Haaretz Editorial
    Aug 10, 2018 1:32 AM


    The demonstration called for Saturday night in Tel Aviv’s Rabin Square by the Higher Arab Monitoring Committee, which represents Israel’s Arab community, is the most important of all the protests that have taken place against the nation-state law. It’s also one of the most important demonstrations in Israel in the past several years.
    No minority in Israel suffers as much discrimination as the Arab minority, which is also Israel’s largest minority. It is frequently the target of normalized, institutionalized racism. 
    To really understand Israel and the Middle East - subscribe to Haaretz
    The nation-state law, which has sparked civic protests throughout Israeli society, was engineered precisely in order to strip the Arabs of their rights and subordinate them to rule by the Jews, the lords of the land, even at the price of sacrificing civic equality. This worldview has characterized despicable racist regimes throughout history, and its implementation in Israel is a black stain not only on the history of the state, but also on that of the Jewish people.
    The nation-state law is an especially ugly milestone in the right’s delegitimization campaign against the Arabs. It’s meant to mark them as enemies, as a fifth column; to cause strife between them and Jews; and to remove them from civil society. Given this, it’s regrettable that the leaders of the opposition, who warmly embraced the Druze community’s justified protest against the law, have decided not to attend this demonstration.
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    >> In Show of Renewed Activism, Arab Israelis to Protest Nation-state Law on Saturday
    Opposition leader Tzipi Livni, who came to the Druze demonstration last Saturday night, announced that she won’t attend the upcoming one because some Knesset members from the predominantly Arab  Joint List “don’t share my view that Israel is the nation-state of the Jews.” In the same breath, she declared her belief in “equal rights for all.” She thereby proved that even the left has adopted the right’s propaganda. If, as she says, Livni believes in equality for all and opposes the nation-state law — the issues of the demonstration — why is it even relevant what Joint List MKs think Israel’s character should be?
    Livni must meet the challenge that was posed to Israeli society by President Reuven Rivlin in his “four tribes” speech, in which he argued that Israel’s future depends on abandoning a worldview based on majority and minority in favor of one that is based on a partnership with the ultra-Orthodox and the Arabs, who don’t define themselves as Zionist. The place of Livni and the other opposition leaders Saturday night is in Rabin Square, alongside the Arab community. Their struggle is the struggle of all Israelis, Jews and Arabs alike.

  • Qui est coupable d’antisémitisme ? Le #Parti_Travailliste britannique face à un défi.

    Un article très clair sur le site de l’éditeur #Verso

    Peter Hallward is a political philosopher best known for his work on Alain Badiou and Gilles Deleuze. He has also published works on post-colonialism and contemporary Haiti. Hallward is a member of the editorial collective of Radical Philosophy and a contributing editor to Angelaki: Journal of Theoretical Humanities.

    Jeremy Corbyn is being urged on all sides to adopt the ‘internationally accepted’ definition of antisemitism proposed by the International Holocaust Remembrance Alliance (IHRA). Just accept the definition in full, he’s told, and the whole ugly row about Labour being a ‘class enemy’ of the Jewish people will go away. What could be simpler?

    So what does this IHRA definition involve? Would its adoption actually help make it easier to identify and condemn expressions of antisemitism? Or are key parts of it worded in such a way as to invite further confusion, and to make it harder to criticise some ongoing and far-reaching injustices?

    ....Perhaps the most important and most debatable assertion of the document, however, is the claim that ‘manifestations [of antisemitism] might include the targeting of the state of Israel, conceived as a Jewish collectivity.’ This is the point worth pondering.

    It’s not entirely clear what ‘targeting’ involves, as the term is again vague enough to evoke anything from hostile criticism to mere designation or reference. Targeting can’t simply be reducible to criticism, though, since the document adds an immediate caveat to that effect: ‘criticism of Israel similar to that levelled against any other country cannot be regarded as antisemitic.’ That means, I assume, that it wouldn’t be antisemitic to grumble about the fact that in Israel, as in some other places, taxes might be too high, or the delivery of public services too poor. It would only be antisemitic to target, criticise or refer to Israel as a state acting specifically like a Jewish collectivity.

    Now it’s no secret that the Israeli state regularly pursues policies that favour Jewish over non-Jewish members of the population it controls. Jewish people, for instance, enjoy a ‘right of return’ that is denied to Palestinian refugees whose homes were destroyed when Israel was created. Israel’s long-running colonisation of West Bank lands would also be quite hard to describe, let alone criticise, without making some reference to the way its settlements distinguish between Jewish and Arab collectivities.

    This puts would-be critics of Israeli colonialism in a bit of a bind. Presumably it’s ok to object to colonial projects in general, projects of the sort that might be undertaken by ‘any other country’. But it isn’t easy to criticise settlement programmes specifically designed to replace Palestinian inhabitants with Jewish ones without referring to the state promoting them as a ‘Jewish collectivity’. Is criticism of Israeli settlements thus antisemitic by definition? If not why not, according to the IHRA’s formulation?

    Voir également https://seenthis.net/messages/711737
    #Labour #Corbyn #IHRA #antisémitisme #antisemitism #racisme #racism #Peter_Hallward

  • « Je m’appelle Hilel Garmi, j’ai 19 ans et je refuse de servir dans l’armée israélienne »
    Le courrier de l\’Atlas - Par Nadir Dendoune - le mardi 7 août 2018

    (...) "Je m’appelle Hilel Garmi​. J’ai 19 ans, et je devais être incorporé dans l’armée israélienne au début août 2018.

    Récemment, dans le contexte des manifestations gazaouies près de la barrière construite à Gaza, j’ai pris le temps de lire les déclarations d’Ahmed Abu Ratima, l’un des organisateurs de ce mouvement et j’ai été très impressionné de découvrir ces gens qui ont opté pour des alternatives non armées, pour aborder la question de la situation entre la Méditerranée et le fleuve Jourdain.

    Comme eux, je crois en la désobéissance civile pour souligner le caractère illégitime de notre régime. Mon frère aîné et mes deux sœurs ont fait leur armée. Et quand j’étais petit, le passage par l’armée était pour moi non seulement une obligation inévitable, mais aussi un des objectifs qui me fascinaient ; et je voulais servir dans une unité d’élite.

    Mais en grandissant, et en étant convaincu que tous les êtres humains sont égaux, j’ai changé d’avis. Je ne crois pas à l’existence d’un dénominateur commun entre Juifs qui feraient d’eux des êtres différents des Arabes. Je ne vois pas pourquoi je devrais être traité différemment d’un enfant né à Gaza ou à Jénine. Et je ne pense pas que les souffrances ou les joies soient plus importantes pour les uns que pour les autres. (...)

  • Gaza/militants anti-blocus : la Suède dénonce une violation du droit international
    Par Le Figaro.fr avec AFP | Mis à jour le 08/08/2018

    Stockholm a accusé Israël d’avoir violé le droit international après l’interception d’un bateau anti-blocus battant pavillon suédois, au large de la bande de Gaza, et la détention des militants qui se trouvaient à bord, dont sept étaient renvoyés aujourd’hui en Suède. « Le gouvernement (suédois) a été en contact avec les autorités israéliennes au sujet du “Ship to Gaza”, l’organisation dont le bateau “Liberté pour Gaza” a été intercepté vendredi soir par la marine israélienne, a déclaré la ministre suédoise des Affaires étrangères Margot Wallström.

    “Et il a insisté sur le fait que les actions des autorités israéliennes concernant le liberté pour Gaza” battant pavillon suédois et les personnes à son bord ne s’appuient pas sur le droit international », poursuit la cheffe de la diplomatie dans une lettre à Ship to Gaza, qui l’a rendue publique mercredi. Sept militants suédois, qui se trouvaient à bord et détenus par la marine israélienne, ont été renvoyés en Suède, a annoncé par ailleurs Ship to Gaza.

    Quatre sont revenus mercredi dans le pays scandinave, les trois autres sont attendus plus tard dans la journée, a déclaré à l’AFP le porte-parole de Ship to Gaza pour la Suède, Dror Feiler. Le navire transportait du matériel médical à destination de l’enclave palestinienne, et avait à son bord 12 membres d’équipage et militants venus de Suède, d’Espagne, du Canada, d’Allemagne et de France. Tous ont été renvoyés d’Israël, a indiqué M. Feiler. En tout, quatre bateaux sont partis de Scandinavie mi-mai et se sont arrêtés en chemin dans quelque 28 ports. Le “liberté pour Gaza” est le deuxième bateau de cette “Flottille de la Liberté” à être intercepté en chemin pour “briser le blocus”, selon l’association.


  • Tunisie : le mouvement BDS appelle au boycott d’un navire israélien
    Par Pierre Magnan@GeopolisAfrique | Publié le 03/08/2018

    TACBI, mouvement tunisien de boycott d’Israël, appelle la Tunisie à empêcher l’arrivée d’un bateau que le mouvement considère comme israélien et demande au syndicat des travailleurs tunisiens UGTT d’« empêcher le déchargement de ce bateau au cas où il serait autorisé à entrer dans le port ».

    « La compagnie maritime israélienne ZIM fera une escale au port de Radès (Tunisie) le 4 ou 5 août avec un bateau battant pavillon turc nommé Cornelius A », affirme le mouvement TACBI (Tunisian Campaign for the Academic and Cultural Boycott of Israel). Radès est le port spécialisé dans les conteneurs du complexe portuaire de Tunis-La Goulette.

    « Il serait extrêmement scandaleux de permettre à ce bateau d’accoster à Radès, d’autant plus que dimanche dernier, la marine israélienne a intercepté la Flottille de la Liberté en eaux internationales et s’est pris à son équipage. L’Awda, le navire amiral de la flottille partie cette année de Suède et de Norvège, a été intercepté par la marine israélienne, et détourné vers le port israélien d’Ashdod. Son équipage et ses passagers ont été arrêtés et sont actuellement détenus en Israël. L’Awda apportait une cargaison de médicaments dont la Bande de Gaza manque cruellement, et devait elle-même être remise en cadeau aux pêcheurs palestiniens de Gaza », estime TACBI sur son site.


  • Gilberte, William Sportisse : un couple des combats - Ulule


     En 1994, à plus de soixante-dix ans, William et Gilberte Sportisse, menacés par le FIS, arrivent d’Algérie à Villejuif. Aujourd’hui, leur jeunesse de caractère et leur enthousiasme étonnent encore.

     Nés en Algérie de confession juive, lui de langue maternelle arabe, ils forment un couple de combat, commencé pour l’indépendance de l’Algérie, toujours d’une foi inébranlable en l’humain. Un parcours de plus de soixante-dix années dans l’histoire de l’Algérie.

       Des témoignages inédits sur la participation des Juifs algériens à la lutte pour l’indépendance de l’Algérie

      Des informations et archives inédites sur la lutte du Parti Communiste Algérien avant et après l’indépendance, ses luttes publiques et clandestines.

     Un apport à la compréhension entre des personnes d’origines ou de cultures différentes illustré par la vie de ces deux personnes.

     Réalisation : Jean Asselmeyer et Sandrine-Malika Charlemagne

    Pour voir un extrait du film, cliquez sur la photo .

    Le FILM :

     William et Gilberte Sportisse vivent à Villejuif depuis 1994. Arrivés en France après le déclenchement de la guerre civile en Algérie, suite à la montée du Front Islamique, ils ont été menacés, ils avaient plus de soixante-dix ans. Aujourd’hui, vingt ans après, ils en étonnent plus d’un, par leur jeunesse de caractère et leur enthousiasme. De confession juive, pour Gilberte de par son père et pour William des deux parents, ils sont nés en Algérie, de culture arabe. Gilberte est née à Alger en 1917 et William à Constantine en 1923.

  • Israel running campaign against Jeremy Corbyn

    | The Electronic Intifada

    An app operated as part of an Israeli government propaganda campaign issued a “mission” for social media users to make comments against Labour Party leader Jeremy Corbyn, accusing him of anti-Semitism.

    This is the latest evidence of an Israeli campaign of psychological warfare against the UK’s main opposition party.

    The Act.IL app on Sunday falsely accused Corbyn of comparing Israel to Nazi Germany in a 2010 meeting which had been resurfaced by The Times last week.

    The “mission” was documented in this Tweet by Michael Bueckert, a Canadian researcher who has been monitoring the app since last year.

    The reality is very different from the app’s claims.

    As my colleague Adri Nieuwhof explains, Corbyn hosted a meeting titled “Never Again – For Anyone” with Hajo Meyer, a survivor of the Auschwitz concentration camp and an anti-Zionist who spoke out strongly for Palestinian rights.

    Meyer passed away in 2014.

    The Act.IL app asks users to comment on Facebook in response to a Huffington Post UK story about Corbyn’s alleged “anti-Israel remarks,” which it claims are “often a way to hide anti-Semitism.”

    The “mission” directs users to click “like” on a comment by Facebook user “Nancy Saada,” and write their own comments echoing her criticisms of Labour.

    “Nancy” has posted elsewhere on her Facebook profile a photo of herself in an Israeli army uniform posing on an armored vehicle draped with an Israeli flag.

  • Israel is using an online blacklist against pro-Palestinian activists. But nobody knows who compiled it

    Israeli border officials are using a shadowy online dossier as an intelligence source on thousands of students and academics

    The Forward and Josh Nathan-Kazis Aug 07, 2018


    Last December, Andrew Kadi flew to Israel to visit his mother. As he walked through Ben Gurion International Airport, officials pulled him aside and said that the security services wanted to speak with him.
    Kadi is among the leaders of a major pro-Palestinian advocacy group, and border authorities always question him when he travels to Israel to see his family. This time, however, something was different.

    During his second of what ended up being three interrogations, spanning more than eight hours, Kadi realized that much of what the interrogator knew about him had come from Canary Mission, an anonymously-run online blacklist that tries to frighten pro-Palestinian students and activists into silence by posting dossiers on their politics and personal lives.

    Kadi’s interrogator asked question after question about organizations listed on his Canary Mission profile. A pro-Palestinian organization that Kadi had been involved with but that wasn’t listed on his Canary Mission profile went unmentioned. Hours later, a third interrogator confirmed what Kadi had suspected: They were looking at his Canary Mission profile.

    Canary Mission has said since it went live in 2015 that it seeks to keep pro-Palestinian student activists from getting work after college. Yet in recent months, the threat it poses to college students and other activists has grown far more severe.
    The site, which is applauded by some pro-Israel advocates for harassing hardcore activists, is now being used as an intelligence source on thousands of students and academics by Israeli officials with immense power over people’s lives, the Forward has learned.
    Rumors of the border control officers’ use of the dossiers is keeping both Jewish and Palestinian activists from visiting relatives in Israel and the West Bank, and pro-Palestinian students say they are hesitant to express their views for fear of being unable to travel to see family.
    >> Twitter account of Canary Mission, group blacklisting pro-Palestinian activists, deactivated
    Meanwhile, back on campus, pro-Israel students are facing suspicion of colluding with Canary Mission. The students, and not the operatives and donors who run it from behind a veil of anonymity, are taking the blame for the site’s work.

    The dossiers
    Canary Mission’s profiles, of which there are now more than 2,000, can run for thousands of words. They consist of information about the activist, including photographs and screenshots, cobbled together from the internet and social media, along with descriptions of the groups with which they are affiliated.
    The phrase, “if you’re a racist, the world should know,” appears on the top of each page on the site.
    In addition to the thousands of profiles of pro-Palestinian students and professors, Canary Mission has also added a smattering of profiles of prominent white supremacists, including 13 members of Identity Evropa and a handful of others.
    The site’s profiles appear to be based entirely on open source intelligence that could be gathered by anyone with a computer. But the researchers are thorough, and some of what they post is exceptionally personal. Canary Mission’s profile of Esther Tszayg, a junior at Stanford University whose profile went online in May, includes two photographs of her as a young child and one taken for a campus fashion magazine.
    “It feels pretty awful and I really wish I wasn’t on that website,” said Tszayg, the president of Stanford’s chapter of Jewish Voice for Peace, a pro-Palestinian group.
    Canary Mission’s profile of Rose Asaf, a leader of the local chapter of JVP at New York University, includes nearly 60 photographs of her and screenshots of her social media activities. It went online in November of 2017, when she was a college junior.
    Liz Jackson, a staff attorney at the legal advocacy group Palestine Legal, said that she was aware of one case in which Canary Mission posted old photographs a student had deleted a year before. The student believes that Canary Mission had been tracking her for over a year before they posted her profile.
    Some of what Canary Mission captures is genuinely troubling, including anti-Semitic social media posts by college students. But often, the eye-catching charges they make against their subjects don’t quite add up. A profile of an NYU freshman named Ari Kaplan charges him with “demonizing Israel at a Jewish event.” In fact, he had stood up at a Hillel dinner to make an announcement that was critical of President Trump’s decision to move the U.S. embassy to Jerusalem.
    “It’s really weird when they’re trying to have someone who looks like me [as] the face of anti-Semitism,” said Kaplan, joking that he looks stereotypically Jewish.
    The border
    It’s these profiles that Israeli border control officers were looking at when they interrogated Kadi, who is in his 30s, and is a member of the steering committee of the U.S. Campaign for Palestinian Rights. Kadi is a U.S. citizen, but his mother and her family are Palestinian citizens of Israel.
    Kadi’s case is not unique. In April, before deporting Columbia University Law School professor Katherine Franke and telling her she will be permanently banned from the country, an Israeli border control officer showed her something on his phone that she says she is “80% sure” was her Canary Mission profile.
    The officer, Franke said, had accused her of traveling to Israel to “promote BDS.” When she said that wasn’t true, the officer accused her of lying, saying she was a “leader” of JVP. He held up the screen of his phone, which appeared to show her Canary Mission profile, and told her: “See, I know you’re lying.”
    Franke, who had previously sat on JVP’s academic advisory council steering committee but at that time had no formal role with the group, told the officer she was not on JVP’s staff. The officer deported her anyhow.
    “Canary Mission information is often neither reliable, nor complete, nor up to date,” said Israeli human rights attorney Emily Schaeffer Omer-Man, who represents activists and human rights advocates denied entry to Israel. Schaeffer Omer-Man says that the site, as such, shouldn’t legally qualify to be used as the basis for a deportation decision by border control officers, as it doesn’t meet reliability standards set by Israeli administrative law.
    Yet incidents like those experienced by Franke and Kadi are on the rise. Schaeffer Omer-Man said that clients for years have said that they suspected that their interrogators had seen their Canary Mission profiles, based on the questions they asked. More recently, she said, clients have told her that border control mentioned Canary Mission by name.
    Rumors of these incidents are spreading fear among campus activists.
    “I have family in Israel, and I don’t expect I will be let in again,” said Tszayg, the Stanford student.
    Palestine Legal’s Liz Jackson said that a large majority of people who get in touch with her organization about their Canary Mission profile are mostly worried about traveling across Israeli borders. “That really puts the muzzle on what people can say in the public sphere about Palestine,” Jackson said.
    Israel’s Ministry of the Interior, which oversees the country’s border control agency, did not respond to a question about whether it is ministry policy for its interrogators to use Canary Mission as a source of information on travelers. It’s possible that the officers are finding the Canary Mission dossiers on their own, by searching for travelers’ names on Google.
    But absent a denial from the interior ministry, it’s also possible that the dossiers are being distributed systematically. When Schaeffer Omer-Man reviews her clients’ interrogation files, as attorneys have the right to do under Israeli law, she has never seen a mention of Canary Mission. What she has seen, however, in summaries of the interrogations, are references to material provided by Israel’s Ministry of Strategic Affairs, the arm of the Israeli government tasked with opposing the boycott, divestment and sanctions movement worldwide, largely through a secret network of non-governmental organizations that help it defend Israel abroad.
    The Israeli connection
    When Gilad Erdan, the strategic affairs minister, took over his agency in 2015, the Ministry of Strategic Affairs and Public Diplomacy, as it is officially known in English, had a tiny staff and a small budget. In just a few years, he has turned it into a major operation with a budget of over $100 million over two years, according to reporting by the Israeli investigative magazine the Seventh Eye.
    At the core of the MSA’s operation is a network of more than a hundred non-governmental organizations with which it shares information and resources. “A key part of the strategy is the belief that messaging by ‘real people’ is much more effective than plain old hasbara [propaganda] by official spokespersons,” said Itamar Benzaquen, an investigative journalist at the Seventh Eye, who has done extensive reporting on the MSA.
    The Forward has learned that the people who run Canary Mission are in direct contact with the leadership of Act.il, a pro-Israel propaganda app that is a part of the network, and has benefited from a publicity campaign funded by the MSA, according to Benzaquen’s reporting.
    The founder and CEO of Act.il, Yarden Ben Yosef, told the Forward last fall that he had been in touch with the people who run Canary Mission, and that they had visited his office in Israel.
    Neither Canary Mission nor the MSA responded to queries about their relationship to each other.
    The operators
    Canary Mission has jealously guarded the anonymity of its operators, funders, and administrators, and its cloak of secrecy has held up against the efforts of journalists and pro-Palestine activists alike.
    Two people, granted anonymity to speak about private conversations, have separately told the Forward that a British-born Jerusalem resident named Jonathan Bash identified himself to them as being in charge of Canary Mission.
    The Forward reported in 2015 that Bash was the CEO of a pro-Israel advocacy training organization, Video Activism, that appeared to have numerous ties to Canary Mission. At the time, Bash denied there was any relationship between the organizations.
    Neither Canary Mission nor Bash responded to requests for comment.
    The response
    As Canary Mission has become an increasingly prominent feature of the campus landscape, students have adapted to its threat. Increasingly, student governments vote on divestment resolutions by secret ballot, partly in an attempt to keep Canary Mission from profiling student representatives who vote in favor.
    Student activist groups, meanwhile, strategically mask the identities of vulnerable members. Abby Brook, who has been a leader in both the Students for Justice in Palestine and JVP groups at George Washington University, said that her fellow activists had strategized about who would be a public-facing leader of the group, and shoulder the risk of appearing on Canary Mission. When her profile went up last year, she was ready.
    “We made strategic decisions within our organization about who would be out-facing members and who would be in-facing members, knowing that Canary Missionwould have different consequences for different people,” Brook said. She said that the names of members of her chapter of SJP who are Palestinian are not listed publicly, and that those individuals have stayed off of Canary Mission.
    “We deliberately keep those people private,” Brook said. “I’m not Palestinian; I won’t be prohibited from being able to go home if I’m listed on Canary Mission. It has a lot less consequences for me as a white person.”
    While Brook’s Palestinian colleagues have been able to hide their identities while being active on the issue, others have chosen not to take the risk. Palestine Legal’s Jackson said that she has fielded questions from students who want to take political action in support of Palestinian rights, but have been afraid to do so because of what being listed on Canary Mission could mean for their families. One student activist told Jackson she wanted to be a leader in SJP, but asked Jackson if getting a Canary Mission profile could damage her family’s naturalization application.
    “I said I don’t know, honestly,” Jackson said.
    Another student told Jackson that she had wanted to write an op-ed about the Anti-Semitism Awareness Act, a controversial piece of federal legislation that critics say could limit free speech, but that she was afraid to be published because she wanted to be able to go visit her grandparents in the West Bank, and couldn’t risk being profiled on Canary Mission.
    For students who do find themselves on Canary Mission, there is little recourse. Canary Mission has posted a handful of essays by “ex-canaries,” people who have written effusive apologies in return for being removed from the site. Jackson said that some profiles have been temporarily removed after the subjects filed copyright complaints, but that they were reposted later with the offending images removed.
    There do not appear to have been any defamation suits filed against Canary Mission. The authors of the profiles are careful about what they write, and pursuing a lawsuit would place a heavy burden on the plaintiff. “Students who are naturally concerned about the reputational damage of being smeared as a terrorist usually don’t want to go through a public trial, because that only makes it worse,” Jackson wrote in an email. “It’s tough to take on a bully, especially in court. But litigation is not off the table.”
    Campus spies
    In the meantime, Canary Mission’s utter secrecy has created an atmosphere of suspicion on campuses. While the operatives behind Canary Mission hide behind their well-protected anonymity, pro-Israel students take the blame for its activities, whether or not they were involved.
    A number of students listed on the site who spoke with the Forward named specific pro-Israel students on their campuses who they suspected of having informed on them to Canary Mission.
    Tilly Shames, who runs the local Hillel at the University of Michigan, Ann Arbor, said that Canary Mission has led to suspicion of pro-Israel students on her campus. “It has created greater mistrust and exclusion of pro-Israel students, who are assumed to be involved in Canary Mission, or sharing information with Canary Mission, when they are not,” Shames said.
    Kaplan, the NYU sophomore, said that he’s now wary talking to people who he knows are involved in pro-Israel activism on campus.
    “I’ll want to be open and warm with them, but it will be, how do I know this guy isn’t reporting to Canary Mission?” Kaplan said. He said he didn’t intend to let the suspicions fomented by Canary Mission keep him from spending time with other Jewish students.
    “I’m not going to live in fear; I love Jews,” he said. “I’m not going to not talk to Jewish students out of fear of being on Canary [Mission], but it would be better to have some solidarity from the Jewish community of NYU.”
    For more stories, go to www.forward.com. Sign up for the Forward’s daily newsletter at http://forward.com/newsletter/signup

  • Quand la judéo-facho-sphère verse dans un racisme antimusulman délirant | Le Club de Mediapart


    Un mot, d’abord, sur cette expression « Judéo-facho-sphère », qui peut paraître provocatrice et outrancière, mais que j’assume pleinement. Le courant néoconservateur, on le sait, n’est pas sans lien avec la communauté juive et les réseaux pro-israéliens, que ce soit en France ou aux Etats-Unis. Le soutien inconditionnel à la politique israélienne a beaucoup contribué à fédérer des milieux hétéroclites, parfois issus de la gauche libérale qui, via la critique de certaines dictatures du tiers-monde, comme on disait alors, ont progressivement évolué vers une adhésion aux thèses très droitières sur le choc des civilisations, pour aboutir finalement à un racisme antimusulman totalement décomplexé. L’article d’Yves Mamou, publié le 1er août dernier sur Facebook apparait à cet égard comme un cas exemplaire.

    Yves Mamou n’est pas n’importe qui. Il a été journaliste durant plusieurs années à la rubrique Economie du Monde. Il est régulièrement invité sur les plateaux de la chaine israélienne francophone i24. Sa page n’est pas réservée à quelques internautes triés sur le volet. Elle est entièrement publique et compte plus de deux mille amis. Les publications quotidiennes qui y figurent font donc partie intégrante d’un débat public qu’elles contribuent à nourrir et à influencer. Il signe par ailleurs un livre, à paraître en septembre prochain, intitulé Intelligence avec l’ennemi, qui entend dénoncer une prétendue complicité des élites françaises avec l’islamisme. Un islamisme compris... au sens large. L’éditeur n’a pas encore fait connaitre le texte de la quatrième de couverture, mais Mamou l’a publié, toujours sur son mur Facebook, en juillet dernier : « L’islam et l’islamisme se propagent en France avec une facilité déconcertante : la multiplication du nombre de mosquées, de femmes voilées ou de commerces halal modifient à grande allure les paysages urbains. L’immigration musulmane augmente, le terrorisme islamiste meurtrit la nation mais la justice pourchasse comme raciste la moindre déclaration "islamophobe" ». Tout dans la nuance.

  • Israel
    Jews and Arabs: Unite, the Nation-state law poses an existential threat

    This won’t be an alliance of love. It won’t even be an encounter between friends. But this is the only way to survive as a citizen of Israel and not become a political prisoner in a theocracy

    Ravit Hecht SendSend me email alerts
    Aug 03, 2018


    The abominable nation-state law was admittedly passed at this particular moment for contemptible political reasons: Elections are only a Knesset session away, and in the background are the investigations of the prime minister, a despair-inducing front devoid of achievement in the south and a terrifying front in the north.
    To really understand Israel and the Palestinians - subscribe to Haaretz
    But these circumstances, while genuine and rational, don’t hide what comes next. And what comes next is clear. Israel, with the support of a substantial portion of its Jewish population, is en route to apartheid, both de facto and de jure, which will evict the Arabs from civil society. Next in line for the chopping block: leftists, who are going with the flow to various degrees, and ultimately, anyone defined as disloyal to the government (that is, “the state”).
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    This is not a cataclysmic lamentation or a stylized prophecy of destruction. It’s reality, plain and simple. The moment you begin fiddling with democracy – that is, creating differences in the level of equality to which citizens are entitled and conditioning it on various conditions – the road is clear.
    The attempts to bribe the Druze, whose pain, unlike that of the other Arabs, evokes empathy from Jewish Israelis, only makes the picture clearer: The government is creating castes among minorities and citizens in general based on the degree of sympathy the government has for them and the whims of the masses.
    What can one do in light of this reality but rend one’s garments, weep bitter tears and protest at demonstrations whose importance is beyond price, but whose contribution to changing the course of reality will be limited to the point of nonexistence?
    Israel’s Jewish and democratic camp has only one partner for building a front against the settler right, with its hallmarks of fascism, which is currently making historic changes to the country’s character. That partner is the Arabs.

    And when we speak of making such a partnership, we aren’t talking about a Jewish and democratic camp that includes only people like opposition MKs Tamar Zandberg and Tzipi Livni, but also former senior defense officials like Gabi Ashkenazi, Tamir Pardo and Moshe Ya’alon, who still aren’t willing to be portrayed, heaven forbid, as leftists, but whom the modern right is already rejecting like a transplant, because such security establishment figures’ consciences bar them from submerging themselves in today’s right wing and joining in the destruction of democracy.
    >> Planted by Netanyahu and Co., nation-state law is a time bomb exploding in Israel’s face | Analysis >>
    Nevertheless, it’s not only the Jews on whom the burden of effecting a change in consciousness falls. The Arabs will also have to make what they see as painful concessions.
    As long as MKs Ahmad Tibi, Jamal Zahalka and Aida Touma-Sliman keep talking about two states – a state of all its citizens on one side and the nation-state of the Palestinian people on the other – they’ll remain within the bounds of their own narrow community, plus a few thousand Jewish voters following their conscience or a fad. They’ll have no chance of taking power, no ability to have a major impact, no access to the resources that could save the voters from the bitter fate written on the wall.
    Therefore, they’ll have to swallow hard and accept the Law of Return and the fact that Israel within the 1967 borders is the national home of the Jewish people worldwide, in order to enable the establishment of a Palestinian state and save themselves and us from the nightmare of occupation and apartheid.
    This won’t be an alliance of love. It won’t even be an encounter between friends. But this is the only way to survive as a citizen of Israel and not become a political prisoner in a Bezalel Smotrich-like theocracy.
    The battle for life requires passing through the deep wadis of painful compromise and getting scratched by the thorns of upsetting concessions. It requires changing our methods and our worldviews, because there’s no choice. Because we want to live. And just for your information, we are in a fight for our lives.

  • Israël intercepte un second bateau de militants anti-blocus au large de Gaza
    AFP / 04 août 2018 08h37

    La marine israélienne a annoncé samedi avoir intercepté un bateau au large de la bande de Gaza, le second en moins d’une semaine avec à son bord des militants dénonçant le blocus imposé par l’Etat hébreu à cette enclave palestinienne depuis plus d’une décennie.

    Selon l’armée israélienne, l’embarcation transportant 12 personnes et battant pavillon suédois a été « interceptée conformément à la loi internationale » et acheminée vers le port d’Ashdod, dans le sud d’Israël.

    Le bateau baptisé « liberté pour Gaza » a « violé le blocus naval légal imposé à la bande de Gaza », a ajouté l’armée, précisant que les passagers avaient été emmenés pour être interrogés.

    La marine israélienne avait déjà arraisonné dimanche le bateau « Awda » (« Retour », en arabe) qui battait pavillon norvégien avec 22 personnes à bord.

    Depuis plus de dix ans, la bande de Gaza, contrôlée par le mouvement islamiste Hamas, étouffe sous un strict blocus israélien. Les habitants de l’enclave souffrent notamment de coupures d’électricité provoquées par la suspension des livraisons de fioul.(...)

    #Flottille #Gaza
  • BALLAST | Mai Masri : « Sans la caméra, les faits n’existent plus »
    Publié le 26 juillet 2018

    Nous retrouvons la cinéaste Mai Masri à Aubervilliers — née en Jordanie d’un père palestinien et d’une mère texane, élevée à Beyrouth, elle est, depuis le début des années 1980, l’auteure de onze films. La quatrième édition du festival Ciné-Palestine a récemment consacré une rétrospective à son œuvre documentaire et fictionnelle. Le cinéma, écrivit-elle un jour, « est devenu un moyen de recréer la Palestine et de donner un sens à nos vies déracinées et à nos récits déchirés1 ». C’est donc, à l’heure où Gaza n’en finit pas de compter ses morts, de neuvième art et de résistance à l’occupation dont nous parlons : un art visant à « prendre le contrôle de la narration » face aux récits en place ; un combat que les Palestiniennes investissent chaque jour un peu plus. (...)

  • Israël : l’impunité en recul 18 ans après un tir israélien contre un journaliste français
    Syndicat National des Journalistes CGT - Article mis à jour le 31 juillet 2018

    La justice française vient dix-huit ans après les faits de condamner le tir d’un soldat israélien qui avait blessé grièvement le journaliste français Jacques-Marie Bourget reconnaissant enfin la responsabilité du tireur contre un reporter en vertu des accords internationaux.

    Le 21 octobre 2000 à Ramallah, en Palestine occupée, Jacques-Marie Bourget, grand reporter à Paris-Match était très grièvement blessé au poumon. Les autorités israéliennes avaient refusé qu’il soit hospitalisé en Israël et empêché son convoi d’arriver à l’aéroport de Tel Aviv. Il a fallu l’intervention du président Chirac pour que le blessé, soigné par les médecins palestiniens, soit autorisé à rejoindre Tel Aviv pour Paris. (...)

  • Gaza : les blessés de la « Grande Marche »
    ARTE - Journaliste : Sophie Nivelle-Cardinale
    Disponible du 27/07/2018 au 29/07/2038

    Entre Gaza et Israël, la tension reste vive malgré les cessez-le-feu successifs. Dans la bande de Gaza, on continue ainsi de manifester chaque vendredi, le long de la clôture frontalière avec Israël. Même si cette « Grande Marche du Retour » qui commémore la Nakba, l’exode palestinien de 1948, a déjà fait plus de 130 morts et 4000 blessés ; des jeunes hommes en majorité.


  • i24NEWS - Flottille/Gaza : la Norvège exhorte Israël à s’expliquer
    Mis à jour le 01/08/2018 11:34:08

    (...) Le ministère norvégien a indiqué dans un communiqué que ses diplomates en Israël avaient fourni une assistance consulaire à cinq Norvégiens qui faisaient partie des 22 passagers et membres d’équipage à bord du navire « Awda » (« Retour », en arabe) qui battait pavillon norvégien, arraisonné par la marine israélienne.

    « Nous avons demandé aux autorités israéliennes de clarifier les circonstances concernant l’interception du navire et de fournir les bases juridiques de l’intervention », a déclaré le porte-parole du ministère norvégien.

    « Il s’agit du premier navire norvégien envoyé à destination de Gaza pour aider les Palestiniens. C’est un bateau pacifique, en aucun cas il ne menace la sécurité d’Israël », a estimé le chef de ’Ship to Gaza Norway’ qui a organisé l’expédition, Torstein Dahle. (...)

    #Flottille #Gaza

  • Tiens bon, Ahed Tamimi !
    Gideon Levy

    – A la veille de sa libération, après huit mois de prison, voici ce qu’il faut dire à Ahed Tamimi : « Cela en valait la peine. Continue à résister à l’occupation israélienne. »

    Le dimanche, tu es censée sortir de prison, enfin, en même temps que ta mère. Mais peut-être vaut-il mieux ne pas faire de pronostic : le Shin Bet pourrait très bien émettre une ordonnance d’arrestation administrative contre toi. Après tout, il y a quelques semaines seulement, le Shin Bet a estimé que tu étais toujours « potentiellement dangereuse » – mais nous pouvons espérer que dans trois jours, toi et ta mère serez à nouveau libres et chez vous.

    Nous pouvons aussi espérer que le danger potentiel que tu as présenté n’a pas diminué pendant tes mois de prison, depuis cet hiver, que tu es toujours dangereuse pour l’occupation, que tu n’arrêteras pas de résister à ta manière. Pour autant que je connaisse ta famille, que la propagande israélienne appelle une « famille de terroristes » et une « famille d’assassins », je sais qu’il n’y a aucune chance que cela se produise. Ton esprit ne faiblira pas. Ton « danger » ne se dissipera pas.

    Toi et ta mère êtes restées en prison pendant huit mois, même si tu n’avais rien fait de mal sauf manifester une résistance naturelle et justifiée à l’occupation, qui avait envahi ta cour devant ta maison. Tu as frappé un soldat armé et disposant d’un gilet pare-balles à mains nues, tout comme une jeune fille de 16 ans peut frapper un soldat armé et protégé, et ta mère l’a filmé. C’était ton crime. Dans l’occupation, seuls les soldats sont autorisés à frapper. Tu as fait ce que toute personne courageuse vivant sous une occupation ferait – tu l’as giflé. Et l’occupation n’a encore rien vu.

    Cela s’est passé après que des soldats aient tiré sur ton cousin, Mohammed Tamimi âgé de 15 ans, dans la tête, dans la rue devant ta maison, le laissant avec seulement un demi-crâne. Tu dois savoir qu’ils l’ont arrêté à nouveau depuis lors, malgré son handicap, puis l’ont relâché. Ton frère a également été arrêté depuis et libéré.

    Nabi Saleh attend ses filles. Bassem attend Nariman et Ahed. Il y a aussi des Israéliens qui attendent leur libération. La semaine dernière, un autre cas de résistance aux forces d’occupation a été révélé : des jeunes gens ont lancé des pierres sur la police des frontières et blessé une femme policière qui a été hospitalisée.

    Une pierre peut tuer et il y a une nouvelle politique encore plus dure contre les lanceurs de pierres. Trois jeunes hommes ont été arrêtés, mais ils ont été libérés dans la seconde. C’étaient des colons d’Yitzhar. Tandis qu’Ahed qui n’a blessé personne a passé huit mois en prison. Non, il n’y a pas d’apartheid dans les territoires… (...)

    traduction en français de cet article :
    Keep it up, Ahed Tamimi
    Now it must be said to her, days before her scheduled release after eight months in prison: It was worth it. Keep up the resistance to the Israeli occupation
    Gideon Levy - Jul 25, 2018 10:19 PM

  • INTERVIEW – Shlomo Sand : « Israël a voulu bâtir un mur institutionnel »
    Middle East Eye | Hassina Mechaï | 31 juillet 2018 |Dernière mise à jour : 01 août 2018

    « État juif ». Dès les origines du sionisme, l’expression était ambiguë. En intitulant son livre Der Judenstaat, le fondateur du sionisme, Theodor Herzl, entendait-il « l’État des Juifs » ou « l’État juif » ? Un État qui pourrait devenir l’État de chaque juif du monde ou un État qui plongerait ses racines dans le judaïsme ?

    À cette question qui traverse toutes les institutions israéliennes, la loi fondamentale adoptée ce 19 juillet semble enfin répondre. Celle-ci entre dans la catégorie des lois fondamentales qui constituent le socle constitutionnel en Israël. Désormais, l’État d’Israël est non seulement l’État des juifs, mais également un État juif.

    En dix points, cette loi dessine un régime politique où le caractère juif de l’État l’emporte désormais sur la démocratie. La loi énonce, entre autres, qu’Israël est la patrie historique du peuple juif, que la capitale d’Israël est le grand Jérusalem réunifié, que la langue officielle est l’hébreu et qu’Israël encouragera la colonisation juive.

    Or, vivent en Israël environ 1,6 million de citoyens non juifs, arabes de nationalité et israéliens de citoyenneté, Israël distinguant en effet nationalité et citoyenneté. Si la déclaration d’indépendance israélienne de 1948 pose que l’État « assurera une complète égalité de droits sociaux et politiques à tous ses citoyens, sans distinction de croyance, de race ou de sexe », c’est bien une vision ethniciste que vient entériner cette loi fondamentale.

    Le président Reuven Rivlin s’est d’ailleurs publiquement inquiété de cette nouvelle loi, tout comme les députés palestiniens arabes, qui y voient la juridicisation d’une citoyenneté de seconde classe et une rupture d’égalité de jure et de facto. L’historien israélien Shlomo Sand, auteur notamment de Comment le peuple juif fut inventé, explique qu’il s’agit en réalité d’une continuité du sionisme.

    Middle East Eye : Pourquoi cette loi fondamentale a-t-elle été adoptée maintenant ?

    Shlomo Sand : Je dirais, plutôt que « maintenant », pourquoi à notre époque ? Ce n’est pas la date de 2018 qui compte, ni même les années antérieures. Il faut plutôt remonter aux cinquante dernières années.
    Nous savons désormais qu’il n’y aura pas d’État palestinien dans les frontières de 1967. L’idée prévaut en Israël qu’il ne faut pas entrer dans un processus de compromis avec les Palestiniens. Cette idée est renforcée par le soutien inconditionnel de Donald Trump au gouvernement de Netanyahou.

    Face à ce qui est perçu comme la vraie menace, la menace démographique que constituent les 5 millions de Palestiniens qui vivent dans les territoires occupés et à Gaza, Israël a souhaité consolider constitutionnellement les bases juives de l’État.

    D’un côté, Israël ne veut pas libérer et « se » libérer des territoires occupés. Il ne le veut pas et n’y est pas obligé. Mais il refuse d’accorder aux Palestiniens sous occupation la citoyenneté israélienne, car cela changerait complètement les rapports démographiques, donc politiques, en Israël.

    Cette loi a été adoptée pour institutionnaliser la différence de fait qui existe entre Palestiniens et Israéliens, entre Arabes et juifs, surtout à cause de cette menace démographique.

    La base de cette loi traduit, au fond, une fragilité de l’État d’Israël. D’abord parce que cet État n’est pas certain d’être juif. Selon moi, il n’y a pas de culture juive laïque, même s’il existe une culture israélienne. Pour se défendre de cette symbiose avec le monde environnant, Israël a voulu bâtir un mur institutionnel qui est censé défendre l’identité juive. (...)

  • The right’s security service at Ben-Gurion Airport - Haaretz Editorial -

    At first it was the automatic and indiscriminate delay of Palestinians and Israeli Arabs, then it degenerated into blacklists of BDS supporters, now Israelis are also being questioned because of their political views

    Haaretz Editorial SendSend me email alerts
    Aug 02, 2018 12:26 AM


    The Shin Bet security service stopped an author and left-wing activist at the airport, questioned him about his opinions and political connections and warned him about the “slippery slope” that could lead him to dangerous places and confrontations with the authorities. There were times when such instances would be linked to undemocratic countries like China, Russia, Iran and Egypt, which see freedom of expression and the right of protest as threats to the regime. Now it’s happening in Israel, which calls itself as the only democracy in the Middle East.
    To really understand Israel and the Middle East - subscribe to Haaretz
    The details related this week by Moriel Rothman-Zecher about his detention at Ben-Gurion Airport ought to disturb everyone, even those who object to the activities of protest groups like Breaking the Silence. From his report it emerges that he, an Israeli citizen who lives in the United States, was not suspected of any illegal activity; he was asked about his links to perfectly legal organizations and was essentially warned that his activities make him a legitimate target for the Shin Bet (“Israeli author questioned by Shin Bet at Ben-Gurion Airport over involvement in leftist groups,” July 30). His interrogator also asked for the names of “the main activists” in All That’s Left, which he refused to provide.
    This is not a singular case; there have been a series of reports indicating that the Shin Bet and the border guards are turning Israel’s entry points into a filter designed to remove those whose opinions are suspicious or problematic in the eyes of the government. Last week a U.S. citizen, a senior member of the Jewish community who supports and donates to Israel, was reportedly detained at the airport when a pamphlet from Bethlehem with the word “Palestine” on the cover was found in his suitcase. One word is now sufficient to make someone a suspect, worthy of a humiliating delay and harassing questions.
    If there is a “slippery slope,” it’s the state, its elected officials, its employees and the defenders of its borders that are walking on it. It began with the automatic and indiscriminate delay of Palestinians and Israeli Arabs, degenerated into blacklists of BDS supporters whose entry was banned and is now slipping into Israelis being questioned because of their political views.
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    This is not a local initiative, but a faithful expression of government and coalition policy: to label protest organizations in general and those who work against the occupation in particular as hostile to Israel and ascribe to them an intent to harm and betray it. The questioning of Rothman-Zecher is a warning shot aimed at like-minded people in the hope they’ll take note and be deterred.
    According to the Shin Bet, the investigators acted “to fulfill the mission” of the security service. It seems that the questioning of Israelis about their political opinions is being conducted with permission and authority. But what happens in the airport doesn’t stay there; if policemen and investigators are not restrained, it won’t be long before citizens with opinions the government disapproves of will be woken by knocks on the door in the middle of the night, as in the most benighted of countries.
    The above article is Haaretz’s lead editorial, as published in the Hebrew and English newspapers in Israel.

  • Dareen Tatour : Une ode à la résistance palestinienne - IFEX

    Comme Tatour a vécu des exécutions extrajudiciaires de jeunes palestiniens dans son entourage, elle s’est reportée sur les médias sociaux pour exprimer son indignation et sa douleur. Elle a posté un poème sur YouTube intitulé « Résistez mon peuple, résister-leur ». Ce poème, qui, au moment de son arrestation, n’avait que 113 vues, deviendra plus tard l’argument principal de l’affaire contre elle.

    Selon Adalah-NY, une organisation basée à New York qui milite pour le Boycott, le Désinvestissement et les Sanctions (BDS) contre Israël, au cours de la dernière année et surtout depuis le mois d’octobre 2015, les forces de sécurité israéliennes ont arrêté plus de 400 Palestiniens à cause de leurs activités sur des médias sociaux. Tatour est l’une d’entre eux.

    Après son arrestation peu avant l’aube, menée sans mandat de recherche ni d’arrêt, la
poétesse a passé les trois premiers mois de détention allant d’une prison à une autre. Elle-même et sa famille n’ont pris connaissance des charges portées contre elle qu’au bout de 20 jours d’emprisonnement. Elle était détenue pour « incitation à la violence » à cause de deux messages postés sur Facebook et d’une vidéo sur YouTube comme indiqué plus haut. Si elle est reconnue coupable de tous ces faits, Tatour risque jusqu’ à huit ans de prison.

    Le 14 janvier 2017, Tatour a été libérée et placée en résidence surveillée en attendant son procès, qui a débuté en mars.

    En définitive, c’est 5 ans de prison.


    #poésie_arabe #palestine #israël

  • « Nous avons de sérieuses chances de sauver la communauté palestinienne de Khan Al-Ahmar »
    Dans une tribune au « Monde », le directeur de l’ONG israélienne B’Tselem exhorte à redoubler d’efforts pour sauver de la démolition cette communauté proche de Jérusalem.
    Le Monde | 31.07.2018 à 12h41 • Mis à jour le 31.07.2018 à 15h54 | Par Hagai El-Ad (Directeur de B’Tselem, ONG israélienne vouée à la défense des droits de l’homme dans les territoires occupés)

    Tribune. Parfois, le dernier jour d’audience n’est pas vraiment le dernier. Le 24 mai, les juges de la Cour suprême israélienne, Sohlberg, Baron et Willner, rendaient une décision de justice censément juste pour Khan Al-Ahmar, une communauté palestinienne située à quelques kilomètres à l’est de Jérusalem. Ce dernier jour devant les tribunaux aurait dû être suivi par la démolition imminente de toute la communauté par les autorités israéliennes.
    Faisant preuve d’un aveuglement formaliste du plus cynique qui soit, les juges ont aisément ignoré certains « détails »

    Mais aussi unanime et sans équivoque soit-elle, cette décision n’était rien d’autre qu’une tentative de délivrer un semblant de justice pour couvrir des actions étatiques profondément immorales – et fondamentalement illégales. Faisant preuve d’un aveuglement formaliste du plus cynique qui soit, les juges ont aisément ignoré certains « détails », comme le fait qu’Israël ait établi un régime de planification systématique, qui ne permette quasiment jamais aux Palestiniens de recevoir des permis de construire.

    L’essence contextuelle allègrement reléguée au second plan, les juges ont ouvert la voie à un raisonnement fondé sur l’« Etat de droit » pour démolir une école, des dizaines de maisons – et la vie de plus de cent soixante-dix Palestiniens. De telles décisions – dont celle-ci – devraient être contestées localement et internationalement.


  • Palestinian poet sentenced to 5 months of prison
    July 31, 2018 4:41 P.M. (Updated: July 31, 2018 4:48 P.M.)

    BETHLEHEM (Ma’an) — The Israeli Magistrate Court of Nazareth sentenced Palestinian poet Darin Tatour, from the al-Reineh village in northern Israel, to five months of prison and 6 months of suspended sentence on Tuesday.

    The Israeli prosecution accuses Tatour of “incitement and supporting a terrorist organization” for writing a poem criticizing the Israeli occupation and posting it on her personal page on Facebook.

    The Israeli prosecution demanded that Tatour be imprisoned for periods between 15 and 26 months.

    Tatour had previously spent more than 2 years and 8 months between prison and house arrest for writing the poem.

    She said that the decision was “unjust” and that there was no reason for the court to place her under trial in the first place. However, she added that she was not surprised by the ruling.

    She added that she does not trust the Israeli court system, pointing out that the her detention was politically motivated; “democracy is confined to one type of people in this country,” Tatour said pointing out to the discrimination against Palestinian citizens in Israel.

    Tatour was previously detained in October 2015, she was indicted in November 2015 on charges of “incitement to violence and support for a terrorist organization.”

  • Linda Sarsour, de la Women’s March à la défense des migrants, icône malmenée des droits civiques aux Etats-Unis | Delphine Darmency

    Incontournable figure de l’activisme politique américain, Linda Sarsour fut propulsée sur la scène médiatique lors de la Women’s March du 21 janvier 2017 à Washington. Cette new yorkaise de Brooklyn, originaire de Palestine, engagée dans le combat contre la détention des enfants de migrants, inspirée par le parcours de Malcolm X, est aussi souvent attaquée. Une rencontre signée Terriennes Source : Terriennes

  • Israeli Druze commander quits army over nation-state law in open letter to Netanyahu

    In a Facebook post, Capt. Amir Jmall calls on leaders of his community to work toward putting an end to the compulsory conscription of Israeli Druze

    Yaniv Kubovich
    Jul 30, 2018 5:36 PM


    In the letter, Jmall also called on leaders of his community to work toward putting an end to the compulsory conscription of Israel’s Druze. The Facebook post has since been removed.
    “This morning, when I woke up to drive to the [army] base, I asked myself, why? Why do I have to serve the State of Israel, a state that my two brothers, my father and I have served with dedication, a sense of mission and a love of the homeland, and, in the end, what do we get? To be second-class citizens,” Jmall wrote.
    >> ’When we’re in uniform they treat us well’: Israel’s Druze no longer feel like blood brothers
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    "Continue serving the country? I do not want to continue and I am sure that hundreds more people will stop serving and will be discharged from the army following your decision, Netanyahu, that of you and your government,” he continued.
    "After many thoughts ran through my head, I decided to let go and to discontinue serving the country, a country that has a government that takes and does not give back.”
    In conclusion, Jmall wrote: “I ask everyone who is against the nation-state law to share and share my proposal to community leaders to stop the conscription law for members of the Druze community.”
    The Basic Law: Israel as the Nation-State of the Jewish People, also known as the nation-state law, approved by the Knesset on July 19, affirmed that only Jews have the right to self-determination in Israel. It also downgraded Arabic to a language with “special status,” among several other controversial measures that affect the Israeli Druze.
    The nation-state law is designed to alter the application of the Basic Law on Human Dignity and Liberty in court rulings, and permits judges to give priority to Israel’s Jewish character in their rulings.

    Last week, Druze lawmakers were the first to file a High Court of Justice petition against the legislation. A hundred Druze Israel Defense Forces reserve officers added their voices to that effort on Wednesday, prompting Education Minister Naftali Bennett to speak out in support of “our blood brothers” on Twitter.
    Finance Minister Moshe Kahlon echoed similar sentiments on Thursday, telling Israeli Army Radio, “The enactment of the nation-state law was done hastily,” and adding: “We were wrong and we need to fix it.”
    On Saturday, Israeli Arab lawmaker Zouheir Bahloul (Zionist Union) announced his intention to resign from the Knesset in protest of the law. "The law oppresses me and oppresses the population that sent me to the Knesset,’’ he said.

  • Déclaration de la Coalition sur la Flottille de la Liberté - [UJFP]
    mardi 31 juillet 2018 par Freedom Flotilla

    Photo de basse résolution transmise depuis le Al-Awda pendant les dernières heures de navigation

    Bien que les forces d’occupation israéliennes affirment que la capture de notre navire s’est déroulée « sans incident exceptionnel », Zohar Chamberlain Regev, témoin oculaire, rapporte qu’au moment de l’embarquement : « Les gens à bord ont reçu des décharges électriques par taser et ont été frappés par des soldats masqués. Nous n’avons pas eu nos passeports ou nos effets personnels avant de descendre du bateau. Ne croyez pas les rapports sur une interception pacifique. »

    Nous avons besoin d’urgence de connaître les détails sur qui a été blessé, le degré de gravité des blessures et quel traitement reçoivent les blessés, le cas échéant. Une attaque militaire contre un navire civil est un acte violent et une violation du droit international. Emmener 22 personnes des eaux internationales vers un pays qui n’est pas leur destination constitue un acte d’enlèvement, ce qui est également illégal en vertu de la Convention internationale sur le droit de la mer.

    Depuis le moment où nous avons perdu le contact vers 13h15 heure locale dimanche, nous savons que l’IOF a bloqué tous les signaux de communication, y compris les téléphones satellites. Nous sommes très préoccupés par cette violation du droit des journalistes de se présenter librement et nous restons gravement préoccupés par leur capacité à conserver leur équipement professionnel et leurs supports de stockage.

    Comme l’a récemment observé le journaliste australien Chris Graham : « Des choses graves se produisent lorsque de bonnes personnes gardent le silence, comme le prouve l’histoire. Mais des choses horribles se produisent lorsque les médias sont empêchés de scruter les actions d’un État. »

    Deux de nos participants, citoyens israéliens, ont été accusés d’avoir tenté d’entrer à Gaza et d’avoir comploté pour commettre un crime, et ils ont été libérés sous caution ce matin. L’un d’eux, le chef de bateau Zohar Chamberlain Regev, rapporte avoir vu du sang sur le pont de l’’Al Awda’ alors que les derniers participants étaient traînés hors du navire.


  • As U.S. pushes for Mideast peace, Saudi king reassures allies |


    RIYADH (Reuters) - Saudi Arabia has reassured Arab allies it will not endorse any Middle East peace plan that fails to address Jerusalem’s status or refugees’ right of return, easing their concerns that the kingdom might back a nascent U.S. deal which aligns with Israel on key issues.

    King Salman’s private guarantees to Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas and his public defense of long-standing Arab positions in recent months have helped reverse perceptions that Saudi Arabia’s stance was changing under his powerful young son, Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman, diplomats and analysts said.

    This in turn has called into question whether Saudi Arabia, birthplace of Islam and site of its holiest shrines, can rally Arab support for a new push to end the Israeli-Palestinian dispute, with an eye to closing ranks against mutual enemy Iran.

    “In Saudi Arabia, the king is the one who decides on this issue now, not the crown prince,” said a senior Arab diplomat in Riyadh. “The U.S. mistake was they thought one country could pressure the rest to give in, but it’s not about pressure. No Arab leader can concede on Jerusalem or Palestine.”


    Palestinian officials told Reuters in December that Prince Mohammed, known as MbS, had pressed Abbas to support the U.S. plan despite concerns it offered the Palestinians limited self-government inside disconnected patches of the occupied West Bank, with no right of return for refugees displaced by the Arab-Israeli wars of 1948 and 1967.

    Such a plan would diverge from the Arab Peace Initiative drawn up by Saudi Arabia in 2002 in which Arab nations offered Israel normal ties in return for a statehood deal with the Palestinians and full Israeli withdrawal from territory captured in 1967.

    Saudi officials have denied any difference between King Salman, who has vocally supported that initiative, and MbS, who has shaken up long-held policies on many issues and told a U.S. magazine in April that Israelis are entitled to live peacefully on their own land - a rare statement for an Arab leader.

    The Palestinian ambassador to Riyadh, Basem Al-Agha, told Reuters that King Salman had expressed support for Palestinians in a recent meeting with Abbas, saying: “We will not abandon you ... We accept what you accept and we reject what you reject.”

    He said that King Salman naming the 2018 Arab League conference “The Jerusalem Summit” and announcing $200 million in aid for Palestinians were messages that Jerusalem and refugees were back on the table.

    FILE PHOTO: Saudi Arabia’s King Salman bin Abdulaziz Al Saud attends Riyadh International Humanitarian Forum in Riyadh, Saudi Arabia February 26, 2018. REUTERS/Faisal Al Nasser
    The Saudi authorities did not respond to a request for comment on the current status of diplomatic efforts.


    Diplomats in the region say Washington’s current thinking, conveyed during a tour last month by top White House officials, does not include Arab East Jerusalem as the capital of a Palestinian state, a right of return for refugees or a freeze of Israeli settlements in lands claimed by the Palestinians.

    Senior adviser Jared Kushner, President Donald Trump’s son-in-law, has not provided concrete details of the U.S. strategy more than 18 months after he was tasked with forging peace.

    A diplomat in Riyadh briefed on Kushner’s latest visit to the kingdom said King Salman and MbS had seen him together: “MbS did the talking while the king was in the background.”

    Independent analyst Neil Partrick said King Salman appears to have reined in MbS’ “politically reckless approach” because of Jerusalem’s importance to Muslims.

    “So MbS won’t oppose Kushner’s ‘deal’, but neither will he, any longer, do much to encourage its one-sided political simplicities,” said Partrick, lead contributor and editor of “Saudi Arabian Foreign Policy: Conflict and Cooperation”.

        Kushner and fellow negotiator Jason Greenblatt have not presented a comprehensive proposal but rather disjointed elements, which one diplomat said “crossed too many red lines”.

    Instead, they heavily focused on the idea of setting up an economic zone in Egypt’s Sinai Peninsula with the adjacent Gaza Strip possibly coming under the control of Cairo, which Arab diplomats described as unacceptable.

    In Qatar, Kushner asked Emir Sheikh Tamim bin Hamad al-Thani to pressure the Islamist group Hamas to cede control of Gaza in return for development aid, the diplomats said.

    One diplomat briefed on the meeting said Sheikh Tamim just nodded silently. It was unclear if that signaled an agreement or whether Qatar was offered anything in return.

    “The problem is there is no cohesive plan presented to all countries,” said the senior Arab diplomat in Riyadh. “Nobody sees what everyone else is being offered.”

    Kushner, a 37-year-old real estate developer with little experience of international diplomacy or political negotiation, visited Jordan, Saudi Arabia, Qatar, Egypt and Israel in June. He did not meet Abbas, who has refused to see Trump’s team after the U.S. embassy was moved to Jerusalem.

    In an interview at the end of his trip, Kushner said Washington would announce its Middle East peace plan soon, and press on with or without Abbas. Yet there has been little to suggest any significant progress towards ending the decades-old conflict, which Trump has said would be “the ultimate deal”.

    “There is no new push. Nothing Kushner presented is acceptable to any of the Arab countries,” the Arab diplomat said. “He thinks he is ‘I Dream of Genie’ with a magic wand to make a new solution to the problem.”

    A White House official told reporters last week that Trump’s envoys were working on the most detailed set of proposals to date for the long-awaited peace proposal, which would include what the administration is calling a robust economic plan, though there is thus far no release date.

    Editing by Giles Elgood
    Our Standards:The Thomson Reuters Trust Principles.

  • Egypt: The White House and the Strongman - The New York Times

    President Trump boasts that he has reversed American policies across the Middle East. Where his predecessor hoped to win hearts and minds, Mr. Trump champions the axiom that brute force is the only response to extremism — whether in Iran, Syria, Yemen or the Palestinian territories. He has embraced the hawks of the region, in Israel and the Persian Gulf, as his chief guides and allies.

    But in many ways, this hard-line approach began to take hold under President Barack Obama, when those same regional allies backed the 2013 military ouster of Egypt’s first elected president, Mohamed Morsi of the Muslim Brotherhood.

    That coup was a watershed moment for the region, snuffing out dreams of democracy while emboldening both autocrats and jihadists. And American policy pivoted, too, empowering those inside the administration “who say you just have to crush these guys,” said Andrew Miller, who oversaw Egypt for the National Security Council under Mr. Obama, and who is now with the Project on Middle East Democracy. Some of the coup’s most vocal American advocates went on to top roles in the Trump administration, including Secretary of Defense James Mattis and Michael Flynn, Mr. Trump’s first national security adviser.
    In July 2013, supporters of the ousted Mr. Morsi protested in Cairo against the killing of 50 demonstrators a day before. A much bigger massacre came in August.CreditNarciso Contreras for The New York Times
    I was The New York Times Cairo bureau chief at the time of the coup, and I returned to the events years later in part to better understand Washington’s role. I learned that the Obama administration’s support for the Arab Spring uprisings had been hobbled from the start by internal disagreements over the same issues that now define Trump policy — about the nature of the threat from political Islam, about fidelity to autocratic allies like the United Arab Emirates and Saudi Arabia, and about the difficulty of achieving democratic change in Egypt and the region.

  • 180 writers call on Netanyahu to cancel Nationality Law, amend Surrogacy Law
    Amir Alon|Published: 07.28.18 , 20:23

    Some 180 novelists, poets, playwrights, screenwriters and other literary figures on Saturday evening called on Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu to cancel the Nationality Law and amend the Surrogacy Law, which discriminates against gay couples.

    “We ask to express the great shock and heartache we’ve experienced in light of the recent laws passed by the Knesset under your leadership,” they wrote in a letter to the prime minister.

    Among the signatories on the letter, which is an initiative of poet Ilan Sheinfeld, are: Amos Oz, David Grossman, A. B. Yehoshua, Hana Azoulay-Hasfari and Edna Mazia.

  • Once again, Israel denies the Bedouin what it grants the settlers
    On Wednesday the High Court will hear petitions against the demolition of the Bedouin village of Khan al-Ahmar, while two Palestinian villages request that the state demolish illegal structures in a nearby settlement
    Amira Hass Jul 27, 2018 10:23 PM

    Two Palestinian villages, basing their request on Civil Administration data, are asking the Israeli authorities to demolish illegal structures in the settlement of Kfar Adumim and outposts around it. In question are about 120 villas and other buildings in the settlement against which demolition orders have been issued (though, as of the beginning of 2017, at least half the structures had been approved retroactively), and in four outposts.

    In the outposts, most of the structures have been built on land defined as state land back in the days of Jordanian rule, and a smaller number have been built on land privately owned by village residents. This past Tuesday, at the Justice Ministry High Court department, Attorney Tawfiq Jabareen filed this request for the villages of Deir Dibwan and Anata, east of Ramallah, as the prelude to petitioning for the villages and some of their residents, owners of private land.

    In a preliminary argument, Jabareen talks about Israel’s “selective enforcement” policy. And as a reverse example — of “legalizing” the illegal construction in Kfar Adumim — he mentions the Bedouin village at Khan al-Ahmar, which existed long before the settlements were established and is now threatened by demolition, along with the expulsion of its residents. Before this request, a team of lawyers headed by Jabareen submitted two new petitions on behalf of the residents of Khan al-Ahmar.

    The deliberations on these petitions will be held this Wednesday, at a time when Khan al-Ahmar has become a focus of international interest and hosts protest gatherings every day. This comes against the backdrop of European and UN condemnations of the planned demolition and, in general, of Israel’s policy of thwarting Palestinian construction in the West Bank’s Area C, which is under exclusive Israeli control.

    Thus, three months before the law comes into effect denying the High Court authority to deliberate on matters concerning West Bank land and techniques for grabbing it from the Palestinians, a team of Palestinian lawyers who are Israeli citizens insists on bringing to the High Court matters of principle concerning discrimination, inequality and government arbitrariness.

    Settlements’ concerted action

    For its part, Kfar Adumim continues to demand implementation of the decision to demolish Khan al-Ahmar. This past Sunday, the settlement and two of its offshoots — Nofei Prat and Alon — asked to join the Israel Defense Forces and the Civil Administration as respondents in one of the two new Khan-al Ahmar petitions. This is the petition that asks to oblige the Civil Administration to relate to the detailed master plan recently submitted by the village. On behalf of the three settlements, attorneys Avraham Moshe Segal and Yael Cinnamon asked that the petition be rejected.

    A concerted legal and media battle by the three settlements over the past decade, as well as pressure from the Knesset Foreign Affairs and Defense Committee’s subcommittee on West Bank affairs, led to the Civil Administration’s decision to demolish the village. During all those years, the previous attorney for the Bedouin village, Shlomo Lecker, managed to delay implementation of the demolition orders, including the order against the ecological school made out of tires.

    But in May a panel of justices headed by Noam Sohlberg, a resident of the settlement of Alon Shvut, ruled that there was no legal reason to intervene in the state’s decision to expel and forcibly transfer the village’s residents to an area the Civil Administration has allotted them next to the Abu Dis garbage dump.

    His partners in the decision were justices Anat Baron and Yael Willner; Willner has a brother and a sister living in Kfar Adumim, but she did not recuse herself from deliberating on the fate of Khan al-Ahmar, nor did she agree to attorney Lecker’s request that she do so. About a week after the High Court’s green light for the demolition, the Civil Administration’s Supreme Planning Council approved the construction of a new neighborhood for Kfar Adumim called Nofei Bereshit about 1 kilometer (0.6 miles) from the Bedouin community at Khan al-Ahmar.

    Preparations for the demolition and eviction began at the end of June, but the new petitions have halted them. It was Baron who issued a temporary injunction that has suspended the demolition.

    Attorneys Segal and Cinnamon, acting on behalf of the three settlements, write that the new petition (asking that the Civil Administration consider the master plan for the village) “is part of a broader move by the petitioners and influential elements on the ‘left’ side of the political map to ‘leave’ the ‘Palestinian construction criminals’ adjacent to the Israeli locales there and adjacent to Route 1 in order to create contiguous Palestinian settlement there.” (The internal quotation marks are in the original document).

    The settlements say that this is an illegitimate way to deliberate; it will let any judicial ruling be reopened in the hope that a different panel of judges will make a change. Regarding the matter at hand, the settlements note that the High Court has already addressed the possibility of preparing a master plan for the village at its current location and has ruled that there is nothing wrong with the state’s intention to demolish it.

    In their statement accompanying the request to join the respondents, the settlements write that the petitioners from Khan al-Ahmar are “construction criminals who have made a law unto themselves and have wittingly and without building permits built on lands that do not belong to them, adjacent to a major transportation artery [and then] brazenly applied to the honorable court to help them prevent the implementation of the demolition orders.”

    The settlements argue that the petitioners built the structures without any building permits and on land that “no one disputes that they do not have even a speck of a right to claim as theirs.”

    First construction, then legalization

    The Bedouin village’s tents and makeshift shacks are on plots of land belonging to residents of Anata, for which they have received the owners’ permission. These plots include a are part of a large area of lands under private Palestinian ownership listed in the Land Registry, which Israel expropriated in 1975 but has not used since. Route 1, which links Jerusalem to Jericho, was far from Khan al-Ahmar, and only when the road was widened was the distance decreased.

    One of the founders of Kfar Adumim, current Agriculture Minister Uri Ariel, submitted an action plan to the IDF back at the end of 1978 or the beginning of 1979. The plan confirms that Bedouin communities were living in the area before the settlements were established, but the plan demands that these communities be expelled, Palestinian construction be curtailed and contiguous Jewish settlement be established.

    On the basis of Civil Administration data, the planning rights group Bimkom published an opinion in 2010 on the pattern of planning and construction in Kfar Adumim and its offshoots: first construction without permits and only then planning that legalizes it.

    The settlement was established in 1979 but a detailed master plan was approved only in 1988. New homes were built without permits, awaiting legalization in another master plan approved years later. Before all the possibilities for construction in the 1988 plan were used up, detailed master plans were advanced aimed at establishing Alon and Nofei Prat, which are called neighborhoods even though they are not contiguous with the mother settlement. Each of these “neighborhoods” spawned an illegal outpost of its own.

    In his preliminary argument to the High Court, Jabareen mentions the Civil Administration’s demolition orders against large private homes in Kfar Adumim. He also mentions the legalization of at least half the structures against which orders were issued, and the four outposts created by the settlement and its offshoots Alon and Nofei Prat. The information about the outposts is based on Civil Administration and Peace Now data.

    The outpost Givat Granit was established in 2002 on about 70 dunams (17.3 acres) of land, of which 10 are privately owned land and the rest is state land from the Jordanian period. Five residential structures and part of the approach road are located on privately-owned land.

    The outpost Haroeh Ha’ivri was established without a master plan in 2015 on about 20 dunams of state land and serves as an educational farm school. The road to the outpost runs along private land, and the outpost receives funding from the Education Ministry. An events venue and desert field lodge was established on about 15 dunams of state land in 2012, and the outpost Ma’aleh Hagit was established in 1999 on about 70 dunams of state land with incursions onto privately-owned parcels.

    In the Kfar Adumim statement to the High Court, the attorneys write that the Khan al-Ahmar petition is political, “and to this will testify the deeds of the petitioners who exploited the temporary order they received for purposes of opening the school year and populating the school building (made of tires) with pupils . The entire aim of the petition is to advance the petitioners’ political agenda and their attempt to create contiguous Palestinian settlement in strategic areas of Judea and Samaria. The petitioners’ attempt to depict the issue as a legal issue is flawed to a large extent by artificiality and testifies to the petitioner’s lack of good faith.”

  • Egypt: Permits, penalties and paranoia | MadaMasr

    Diaa Rashwan, head of the State Information Service (SIS), the government body tasked with overseeing foreign media in Egypt, is outspoken about his belief that the Egyptian state is in open conflict with the international press.

    “We are facing the fiercest foreign media smear campaign that Egypt has encountered throughout its modern history,” Rashwan said in a television interview on the privately owned Al-Haya television station in February. He went on to detail the steps the SIS is taking in response, including issuing written reports denouncing “offensive” coverage and summoning journalists for closed-door discussions.

    Over the last few years, and particularly since Rashwan was appointed SIS head in June 2017, working conditions for foreign reporters in Egypt have gone from being difficult to a grueling daily battle with authorities, as international journalists are forced to endure an increasingly suffocating bureaucracy, public shaming, backroom intimidation and the looming threat of deportation.

    The SIS is an oversight body established in 1954 that defines its role as “the nation’s main informational, awareness and public relations agency” and closely monitors foreign media activities in Egypt. Although initially formed under the now disbanded Information Ministry, it has been operating under the office of the presidency since 2012.

    Rashwan’s tightened grip on the foreign press comes in the context of a wider state crackdown on all media, which dramatically intensified following the military-backed ouster of President Mohamed Morsi in 2013 as part of a campaign to silence any and all opposition voices. Authorities have since taken unprecedented measures against press freedoms in an effort to control the narrative about Egypt, both at home and abroad.

  • Jewish Arab village in the spotlight after Israel passes nationality law


    Some ambassadors to Israel celebrate their country’s national day at the poolside of their official residences in Herzliya, just north of Tel Aviv. Others mark the day with receptions at fancy Tel Aviv hotels. Swiss Ambassador Jean-Daniel Ruch chose to celebrate his country’s independence in a unique spot. He will welcome his guests, among them government, Foreign Ministry and Knesset representatives, to the Jewish Arab village of Neve Shalom-Wahat al-Salam, which lies midway between Jerusalem and Tel Aviv. The principles on which this community, the first and only one of its kind, was founded run counter to the spirit of the nationality law — Israel’s new law that excludes the country’s 20% Arab minority, strips their mother tongue of its official status and negates their national narrative.

    The official invitation to the event says that Neve Shalom — Hebrew for “Oasis of Peace” — is a village of Jewish and Palestinian Israeli citizens working together for justice, peace and equality in the country and the region. Its vision, the invitation quotes from Neve Shalom’s founding principles, is to offer "a model of equality, mutual respect and partnership, challenging the existing patterns of racism and discrimination as well as the continued conflict.” Contrary to the nationality law, which reads that Israel “views the development of Jewish settlement as a national value and will act to encourage and promote its establishment,” the 70 Jewish and Arab families living in the village reject the idea of Jewish-only communities. The Arabic language has equal footing with Hebrew. The village children attend a bilingual school and unlike other Israeli schoolchildren, are allowed to mark the Palestinian Nakba and to protest the Israeli occupation.

  • Cooperation Agreement Signed Between TAU and the Collège de France | Tel Aviv University
    Agreement strengthens existing strong relations between the two institutions in the areas of humanities and exact sciences
    24 July 2018

    A collaboration agreement was signed between Tel Aviv University and the prestigious Collège de France in Paris, during a joint symposium of the two institutions that was held as part of the 2018 France-Israel Exchange Season.

    The symposium addressed four themes through round table discussions with the participation of scholars from both institutions. These included: biblical archeology; literature and society; renewable energies; quantum physics; and string theory.

  • Palestine. Psychiatrie sous occupation
    Orient XXI > Marina Da Silva > 27 juillet 2018

    « Birth of Liberty » Aamran/Deviantart

    (...) Diplômée de l’université Al Quds à Jérusalem, des universités Paris VI et Paris VII et de l’Institut israélien de psychothérapie psychanalytique, Samah Jabr est directrice de l’unité de santé mentale en Cisjordanie occupée, et responsable des services de santé mentale pour l’ensemble de la région. Elle enseigne et forme des professionnels palestiniens et internationaux et intervient auprès de prisonniers. « Il y a seulement une trentaine de psychologues et psychiatres pour toute la population de la Cisjordanie et de la bande de Gaza », explique-t-elle. Tout un programme, qui en dit long sur l’ampleur de la tâche. (...)

  • Why the expected wave of French immigration to Israel never materialized

    It seemed as if the Jews of France would come to Israel in droves after the 2015 attacks in Paris. It turns out that these expectations were exaggerated - here’s why
    By Noa Shpigel Jul 25, 2018


    It was early 2015 in Paris and the attacks came one after the other. On January 7, there was the shooting attack on the editorial offices of the satirical newspaper Charlie Hebdo that took 12 lives; the next day a terrorist shot a policewoman dead, and the day after that brought the siege on the Hypercacher kosher supermarket that ended in the deaths of four Jews.
    To really understand Israel and the Jewish world - subscribe to Haaretz
    On January 11, some four million people marched through the streets of Paris and other French cities in a protest against terror; some 50 world leaders marched in Paris, among them Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, who a few hours later spoke at the Great Synagogue in Paris and urged French Jews to make aliyah.

    [You have] the right to live in our free country, the one and only Jewish state, the State of Israel,” he said, to applause from the crowd. “The right to stand tall and proud at the walls of Zion, our eternal capital of Jerusalem. Any Jew who wishes to immigrate to Israel will be welcomed with open arms and warm and accepting hearts.” The Immigration Absorption Ministry estimated that more than 10,000 French Jews would make aliyah that year.
    That forecast was premature. According to the Central Bureau of Statistics, in 2014, there were 6,547 olim from France, while in 2015, the number rose only to 6,628. In 2016, the number of immigrants dropped to 4,239, and last year, there were only 3,157. Based on the first five months of this year, it seems that the downtrend is continuing; in the first five months of 2018, there were 759 olim from France, while during the comparable period in 2017, the number was 958.
    Joel Samoun, a married father of four from Troyes and a nurse by profession, remembers Netanyahu’s speech. “The speech definitely moved me. It was also a period when we weren’t feeling safe in France,” he says. He began the aliyah process: He made contact with the Jewish Agency and even had his professional credentials and recommendation letters translated into Hebrew. But when Samoun discovered what a lengthy procedure he would have to undergo to work in his field in Israel, he decided to give up on the dream, at least for now. “It’s somewhere in my head,” he said. “Maybe when I reach retirement age.”

    Nor is Annaell Asraf, 23, of Paris, hurrying to leave. Her sister made aliyah four years ago, did national service, and somehow managed. She herself worked in Israel for six months, then returned to France, finished her degree in business administration and founded an online fashion business.
    “I have a good life in France,” she told Haaretz. Many of her friends, she said, “tried to make aliyah, waited two years to find work, and came back. On paper it looks easy, but it’s much more complicated.”

    Annaell Asraf, 23, of Paris, prefers to remain in France Luana Hazan
    What are the primary obstacles? Gaps in language and mentality that aren’t easy to bridge, she says, plus, for anyone who didn’t serve in the army, it’s harder to find work. Moreover, she now feels safe in France. “Maybe someday,” she says, when asked if she sees herself returning to Israel to live.
    Ariel Kendel, director of Qualita, the umbrella organization for French immigrants in Israel, says, “On the one hand, we see that aliyah is down, but on the other hand, the potential is great. If you know Jews in the community in France – it’s hard to find people who’ll say they don’t want to come to Israel.”
    According to Kendel, the drop in aliyah has a number of causes. The primary ones are absorption difficulties; transitioning from the welfare state they are used to; and the fact that there are no aliyah programs tailored specifically for the French. “Where will I live, how will I make a living, what happens to my kids between 2 and 6 [P.M.],” he says. “In France, there is a developed welfare state. We don’t expect it to be like that here, but you can’t tell an immigrant at the airport to take the absorption basket [of services] and that’s it. Apparently every office in Israel should be asking itself these questions.”
    Another problem he cites is the process of having professional credentials recognized in Israel. Although certification for physicans has been streamlined (to a trial period), nurses must undergo a test.
    “People are asked to take an exam after 30 years of experience, it’s a scandal,” says Kendel. “We have at least one hundred nurses – 50 in Israel and 50 in France – who cannot work here. I don’t think that anyone in France is afraid to go to the hospital; [health care] is not at a low level. You can’t tell someone, ‘come, but chances are that we won’t accept your diploma.’”

    Daniella Hadad, a bookkeeper who made aliyah with her husband and five children in 2015, works now in childcare. “When we made aliyah, there was a lot of terror and they said that we should immigrate more quickly,” she says. “They told me to work as a bookkeeper I would have to take all the courses from scratch, and that’s hard in Hebrew.” Now she’s looking for new avenues of employment and wants to improve her Hebrew.
    Hadad is convinced that being able to make a living is the most important element in a successful landing in Israel. “I know a woman who made aliyah with her husband and children, but they had a hard time and now they are going back after two-and-half years.
    Olivier Nazé, a father of four, is a dentist who made aliyah eight years ago. He had to invest a great deal in order to be able to work in his profession in Israel. Before moving the family, he came a few times on his own, to pass the required exam. He says his brother and family are worried about making aliyah as a result.
    “If you have a profession, and you’re making money, it’s hard to get in because it’s like starting from zero,” he says. “In France I made a lot of money, and in Israel at the beginning, I was making a tenth of that. Now it’s slowly rising, but not everyone can afford to wait.” Despite everything, he says, “the quality of life is better here, for the children as well.”
    According to a survey conducted by Zeev Hanin, the Absorption Ministry’s chief scientist, the results of which were published in June, 47 percent of French immigrants say their standard of living is not as good as it was in France, while 32 percent said their standard of living had improved. In terms of income, 80 percent responded that their situation was less favorable than in France, whereas 5 percent reported an improvement. But while many people indicated a worsening of various conditions compared to what they had in France, 67 percent said that they felt more at home in Israel, and 78.3 percent said they do not intend to leave.
    Drop in incidents
    It’s not surprising to learn that a drop in the incidents of anti-Semitism in France has been accompanied by a lack in emigration to Israel. Riva Mane, a researcher at the Kantor Center for the Study of European Jewry at Tel Aviv University, says that in 2015, the French Interior Ministry reported 808 anti-Semitic incidents in the country, whereas, in 2016 the number dropped to 355, and in 2017 to 311. Although not all incidents are reported, she said, the trend is clear.
    Nevertheless, Mane says, “There is an increase in the number of violent attacks on Jews; 97 such incidents were reported in 2017, compared to 77 in 2016.” She added that there is still a sense of insecurity in the Jewish community, and that in recent years there has been an increase in internal migration. “Tens of thousands are leaving the poorer neighborhoods that also have a significant Muslim population and where there have been many incidents, for central Paris and other wealthier areas, where there are fewer Muslims,” she says. She also noted that Jewish pupils are increasingly leaving the public schools for private ones, where they are also likely to encounter fewer Muslim students.

    Olivier Nazé, a father of four, is a dentist who made aliyah eight years ago Rami Shllush
    “There’s always a reason for a wave of aliyah,” explained Immigrant Absorption Minister Sofa Landver. “Not all the olim come because of Zionism. There was a reason for this wave from France – fear of terror. Olim came from Ukraine a year ago when there was a security crisis there vis-à-vis Russia. And now people are coming from Argentina and Brazil due to the economic situation.”
    Landver says that her ministry is fighting to remove barriers to successful absorption. “I’m out in the field and I meet with olim from France who are very satisfied,” she reports. Although the minister knows that the immigrants from France cannot receive what the welfare state provides there, such as schools that are open late and two years of unemployment payments, her ministry continues to encourage aliyah.

    Landver says that she has instructed ministry staff to make home visits to people who have opened an aliyah file, and that the ministry provides money for the translation of documents and removes employment barriers insofar as possible. “We, together with the municipalities, are doing everything possible to increase the number of olim. I really want them here and I’ll do everything to ease their absorption and to support this aliyah.”

    Valerie Halfon, a family financial consultant from the organization Paamonim, said she has met with hundreds of families in France before their aliyah, helping them to prepare an economic assessment, so they’ll know what to expect. For example, she says, she consulted with a young couple who were hesitant, because friends told them that they would need 20,000 shekels a month ($5,500) to get by. She said that after making their calculations, “we got to 8,000-9,000 shekels. There are rumors, and they’re not all true. You have to adapt, you have to make changes.”
    Still, whether it’s the improvement in the security situation in France, or the fear of making a new start – or a combination of these – there has been a decline in aliyah. “Today there’s a feeling that things have calmed down in France,” says Arie Abitbol, director of the European division of the Jewish Agency’s Masa programs. “There’s a president [Emmanuel Macron] who’s empathetic, and there’s a sense that he cares about the Jews and wants them to stay. The feeling is that the threat of Islamic extremism is a threat to everyone, and not only to the Jews.”
    He says that from his experience working with young people in France, “People don’t say that they don’t want to come, they say that at the moment the circumstances are unsuitable and they’ll wait a little more – maybe in a few more years.” He doesn’t blame only the Israeli government and absorption difficulties: “When there’s a trigger of a security situation, people find the strength to leave, but the biggest enemy of aliyah is the routine. From 2014 to 2016, there were unusually high numbers, and now there’s a return to ordinary dimensions, because as far as they’re concerned, the situation is back to routine.”

  • Keep it up, Ahed Tamimi
    Now it must be said to her, days before her scheduled release after eight months in prison: It was worth it. Keep up the resistance to the Israeli occupation
    Gideon Levy - Jul 25, 2018 10:19 PM

    On Sunday you’re supposed to get out of prison, finally, together with your mother. But maybe it’s better not to open one’s mouth to the devil; the Shin Bet might issue an administrative arrest order against you. After all, only a few weeks ago the Shin Bet determined that you are still “potentially dangerous” – but we can hope that in three days you and your mother will once again be free at home.

    We can also hope that the potential danger you presented did not abate during your months in prison, since winter; that you’re still dangerous to the occupation, that you won’t stop resisting in your way. As far as I know your family, whom Israeli propaganda calls a “family of terror,” and a “family of murderers,” I know that there’s no chance of that happening. Your spirit will not falter. Your “danger” will not dissipate.

    You and your mother were in prison for eight months, although you had done nothing wrong except exhibit natural, justified resistance to the occupation, which invaded your yard. You struck an armed and body-armored soldier with your bare hands, as much as a 16-year-old girl can strike an armed, body-armored soldier, and your mother filmed it. That was your crime. In the occupation, only soldiers are allowed to strike. You did what any brave person living under occupation would do – you slapped him. The occupation has more than that coming to it.

    This happened after soldiers shot your 15-year-old cousin, Mohammed Tamimi, in the head, up the street from your house, leaving him with only half a skull. You should know that they arrested him again since then, despite his disability, and released him. Your brother was also arrested since then, and released.

    Nabi Saleh is waiting for its daughters. Bassem is waiting for Nariman and Ahed. There are also Israelis waiting for their release. Last week another case was uncovered of resistance to the occupation forces: Young men threw stones at the Border Police and injured a policewoman, who was taken to the hospital.

    A stone can kill and there’s a new, harsher policy against stone-throwers. Three young men were arrested, but they were released in a flash. They are settlers from Yitzhar. Ahed injured no one, and spent eight months in prison. No, there’s no apartheid in the territories.

    Ahed will be released on Sunday to a new reality. She has become an icon. While she was in jail, Gaza rose up and paid with the lives of 160 of its inhabitants, shot to death by Israeli snipers. Dozens of others remain disabled, some because Israel denied them proper medical care.

    While Ahed was in prison, the West Bank sank into its summer torpor, busy with internal rifts and disputes. The West Bank needs Ahed. The resistance needs Ahed. Not that one girl can change the world, but Ahed’s generation needs to be the next generation of the resistance. Its predecessor is lost; its children killed, wounded, arrested, in despair, tired, exiled or joined the bourgeoisie.

    Yes, one can be an Israeli and support the Palestinians who resist the occupation, like Ahed Tamimi, and wish them success. In fact, one must do so. With her bare hands and impressive appearance, Ahed is the hope for the future, the inspiration to others. The Shin Bet opposed her early release, saying: “Her statements show her extreme ideology and, given the security situation shows the potential danger of her early release.” Months have gone by, and it is hoped that the Shin Bet believes Ahed has changed her ideology thanks to her additional months in jail. Otherwise she won’t be released.

    But the Shin Bet also knows that except for the sake of abuse, revenge, satisfying Israeli public opinion and a desperate attempt at suppression by force, there is no justification for the continued imprisonment of this poster girl from Nabi Saleh. The Shin Bet knows that her “extreme” ideology is the ideology of everyone living under the occupation.

    Now it must be said to Ahed: It was worth it. Keep it up, Ahed. Keep up the resistance to the occupation. Keep up the protests every Friday of your courageous village. Keep on “inciting” – decrying the occupation and documenting its crimes. Keep on slapping him, if he invades your yard again, or shoots your young cousin in the head.

  • What Would Happen if the United States Were to Recognize Israel’s Sovereignty Over the Golan Heights? -

    Carnegie Middle East Center - Carnegie Endowment for International Peace

    Alain Gresh | Editor of OrientXXI.info

    Such a decision by the United States would only add to the ongoing instability in the Middle East. After the transfer of the U.S. embassy to Jerusalem, it would confirm that the United States is no longer even a “dishonest broker” in Arab-Israel peace negotiations, but rather has become a direct party in the Arab-Israeli conflict. This will make it even more difficult for Washington to broker “the deal of the century” between Israelis and Palestinians. Talks are in limbo, despite many statements this past year on the imminence of a peace plan.

    This situation will strengthen the hand of Russia, which is now seen as an important actor maintaining working relations with all regional leaders, from Syrian President Bashar al-Assad to Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman. It will also play into the hands of Iran, allowing Tehran to widen its alliance with certain “Sunni groups.” We can even imagine that it may play into Assad’s hands as well. After the 2006 war in Lebanon, some Syrian Muslim Brotherhood leaders were ready to engage with Assad in the name of the struggle against Israel. Today, U.S. recognition of Israel’s annexation of the Golan Heights may revive such impulses.

  • L’ombre du Mossad plane sur Paris


    De la fenêtre de l’hôtel, on voit le métro aérien parisien franchir la Seine sur le pont de Bercy. Grâce aux wagons illuminés, on distingue même les passagers. Sur l’autre rive se dessinent les formes imposantes du Palais omnisports. Il est bientôt 17 h 30, ce 19 janvier 2010, et la nuit est déjà là. Mais les personnes présentes dans cette chambre transformée en « QG » opérationnel, avec écrans d’ordinateur et téléphones cryptés, ne sont pas d’humeur à contempler la ville : leur attention est tout entière concentrée sur un autre hôtel, à 7 000 kilomètres de là, l’Al Bustan Rotana de Dubaï, où se joue un scénario digne d’un film d’espionnage.

    Les tueurs attendent le feu vert pour franchir le couloir, pénétrer dans sa chambre et lui injecter un produit mortel
    Là-bas, dans la chambre 237, leurs collègues du Mossad, le service secret israélien, se tiennent prêts à passer à l’action. Deux équipes de deux tueurs sont mobilisées, soutenues par trois autres agents, dont une femme, chargés de la sécurisation des lieux et de la logistique. Dans la chambre 230, située juste en face, leur cible vient de rentrer de son shopping. Enregistré à son arrivée à Dubaï sous le nom de Mahmoud Abdul Raouf, il s’agit en réalité de Mahmoud Al-Mabhouh, responsable de l’achat des armes pour le Hamas, mouvement islamiste palestinien. Les tueurs attendent le feu vert pour franchir le couloir, pénétrer dans sa chambre et lui injecter un produit mortel.

    Leur tâche accomplie, ils quittent l’Hôtel Al Bustan Rotana à 17 h 46, heure de Paris. Le cadavre de la chambre 230 ne sera découvert que dix-sept heures plus tard. Même si les premières conclusions évoquent une mort naturelle, le doute s’installe. Grâce à l’intense réseau de surveillance du pays, les autorités émiraties parviennent à repérer les membres du commando, au total une trentaine de personnes. Juste après l’assassinat, on voit ainsi, sur les images de vidéosurveillance de l’hôtel, deux des tueurs patienter devant l’ascenseur. Par rapport aux images de leur arrivée, le premier a remonté les manches de sa chemise, désormais froissée. Le second a le poignet et la moitié de la main gauche entourés d’un bandage ; sans doute le signe du recours à la force.

    Agents identifiés à Dubaï

    Aucun agent israélien n’est arrêté – ils ont tous eu le temps de quitter Dubaï –, mais les enquêteurs établissent qu’ils ont appelé à plusieurs reprises un même standard en Autriche. En réalité, selon une information inédite révélée ici par Le Monde, l’essentiel des appels avait pour destination finale Paris, et la fameuse chambre d’hôtel du quartier du pont de Bercy. C’est de ce centre opérationnel qu’a été coordonnée l’exécution. D’après le contre-espionnage français, des agents identifiés à Dubaï étaient venus dans la capitale préparer l’opération.

    « Même si nous savons tout, nous ne ferons pas comme les Irlandais ou les Britanniques. Nous resterons amis, mais ce ne sera pas gratuit »
    En découvrant le dispositif mis en place à leur insu par le Mossad, les autorités françaises mesurent les risques encourus : aux yeux du Hamas et d’autres groupes radicaux, elles peuvent apparaître comme complices de l’Etat hébreu. Pour ne rien arranger, il apparaît que le Mossad a subtilisé des identités de citoyens français afin de fabriquer quatre passeports pour ses agents. La justice française se saisit de cette fraude aux documents d’identité, comme d’ailleurs ses homologues britannique, autrichienne et irlandaise, concernées par vingt-deux autres passeports falsifiés, mais sans grand espoir de remonter aux auteurs. « Au moins, c’était un moyen de faire passer un message, se souvient un chef de la police judiciaire parisienne de l’époque. En judiciarisant l’affaire, nous disions qu’il s’agissait d’une atteinte inacceptable à notre souveraineté. »

    Contrairement aux autres pays, la France ne fait aucun commentaire public condamnant la manœuvre des autorités israéliennes. Paris préfère dépêcher sur place deux cadres du renseignement, des hommes solides et peu causants : Patrick Calvar, alors directeur du renseignement à la direction générale de la sécurité extérieure (DGSE), et Frédéric Veaux, numéro deux de la direction centrale du renseignement intérieur (DCRI, devenue depuis la DGSI). A charge pour eux de se plaindre au patron du Mossad, Meir Dagan, en lui disant en substance, selon une personne familière du dossier : « Même si nous savons tout, nous ne ferons pas comme les Irlandais ou les Britanniques. Nous resterons amis, mais ce ne sera pas gratuit. » Il est impossible de savoir ce que le Mossad a offert, ce jour-là, en échange du silence de la France, mais la seule monnaie qui compte, dans le monde de l’espionnage, est celle du « renseignement », autrement dit des informations.

    Ville ouverte aux espions

    Cette affaire rappelle à quel point Paris est une ville ouverte aux espions. Elle s’y prête avec ses congrès internationaux, le fréquent passage de personnalités arabes et africaines. C’est aussi le carrefour idéal pour rencontrer des sources œuvrant dans la région. Ainsi, le Mossad fait venir à Paris ses contacts en Suisse. Bien d’autres services étrangers y ont établi des postes régionaux permettant de rayonner dans toute l’Europe, mais aussi en Afrique ou au Maghreb. A elle seule, la CIA compterait une cinquantaine d’espions déclarés à Paris, ainsi qu’une centaine de clandestins.

    Il faut dire que, côté français, l’essentiel des moyens en matière de renseignement est consacré à la lutte contre le terrorisme. Le contre-espionnage, qui nécessite du temps, passe quelque peu au second plan
    Au ministère de l’intérieur, les anciens ont une explication à l’attrait qu’exerce la capitale : les agents étrangers s’y sentent plutôt à leur aise, sans trop de risques d’être dérangés. Il faut dire que, côté français, l’essentiel des moyens en matière de renseignement est consacré à la lutte contre le terrorisme. Le contre-espionnage, qui nécessite du temps, passe quelque peu au second plan. « C’est un choix politique, il faut savoir ce que l’on privilégie entre sécurité et souveraineté, malheureusement, on a négligé le travail à long terme », regrette un ancien poids lourd du renseignement intérieur. Résultat : en 2014, par exemple, le service chargé, à la DGSI, de surveiller les espions américains sur le sol national dépassait à peine quatre personnes et limitait son activité à la mise sur écoute du téléphone du chef de poste de la CIA.

    Le Mossad, on l’a vu, occupe une place particulière dans ce théâtre d’ombres. Avec, parfois, un rôle de partenaire. Ainsi, en 2010, alors que la France envoie deux émissaires à Tel-Aviv pour dire sa colère, la DGSE et la DCRI s’associent, dans le même temps, au service israélien dans une délicate opération de lutte contre la prolifération des armes chimiques, baptisée « Ratafia ». L’objectif ? Piéger un responsable syrien du programme secret du régime de Bachar Al-Assad. En réalité, tout a débuté deux ans plus tôt, à Damas, par une longue approche de l’homme en question. Ses interlocuteurs ont fini par le convaincre qu’il devait suivre en France une formation pour lancer sa propre société d’import-export.

    Manœuvre d’infiltration

    Une fois à Paris, en 2010, le piège consiste à le mettre en confiance et à le faire parler sur ses activités. Lors de ses séjours dans la capitale, il est « traité » par un faux homme d’affaires qui devient peu à peu son mentor et lui présente divers contacts qui sont, en réalité, des agents israéliens. La DCRI agit en protection et assure une partie de la logistique. Lorsque le Syrien commence à émettre des doutes sur son protecteur, en 2011, il est trop tard : l’argent et les cadeaux reçus lui interdisent toute reculade ; le piège s’est refermé sur lui. Entre-temps, le Mossad a acquis des informations de premier choix.

    Les amis n’existent pas dans le monde de l’espionnage. Les agents français en ont eu justement confirmation au cours de cette opération conjointe. En 2011, la sécurité interne de la DCRI soupçonne les Israéliens de profiter de ce travail en commun sur l’opération « Ratafia » pour tenter une manœuvre d’infiltration, en nouant des liens jugés suspects avec des agents français. L’un d’eux a fait shabbat avec le chef de poste du Mossad à Paris, David Keidar. Le même est également parti faire du tir à Dubaï avant de rejoindre en famille ses nouveaux amis à Jérusalem.

    Les accusations visent en outre des proches du Mossad qui auraient tenté de vendre du matériel de surveillance aux services français de police judiciaire, de renseignement ainsi qu’aux gendarmes du GIGN. Préalablement équipé de dispositifs espions, ce matériel aurait pu leur offrir un accès direct aux enquêtes menées par la France.

    Une balle dans la tête

    De nouveau, la DCRI fait part de ses griefs aux autorités israéliennes. En 2012, deux membres de l’ambassade d’Israël à Paris, dont le chef de poste du Mossad, sont priés de quitter le territoire. On les retrouvera, de passage à Paris, en 2016, reconvertis dans le privé… « Cette ville, c’est la cour de récréation du Mossad, se plaint un ancien du service « H » de la DGSI, chargé de surveiller ses agissements en France. Si les Chinois et les Russes sont nos ennemis, il ne faut pas oublier que les Israéliens et les Américains demeurent offensifs. » Selon lui, d’autres éléments compliquent la relation avec le Mossad : « Notre capacité de réaction est limitée, car ils jouent vite la carte politique en se plaignant à l’Elysée ou à Matignon. De plus, on dépend d’eux sur des sujets sensibles. Enfin, notre marge est restreinte pour empêcher certains membres de la communauté juive de leur apporter une aide logistique. »

    « Si les Chinois et les Russes sont nos ennemis, il ne faut pas oublier que les Israéliens et les Américains demeurent offensifs »
    Au ministère des affaires étrangères, on préfère nuancer : « Les Israéliens font quand même un peu plus attention qu’avant. » « Avant », c’est surtout le 8 juin 1992. Ce jour-là, un haut responsable du Fatah (mouvement palestinien), Atef Bseiso, est assassiné devant son hôtel du quartier de Montparnasse, à Paris. Les deux tueurs, en tenue de sport, l’ont achevé, à terre, d’une balle dans la tête. Il venait tout juste de rencontrer, pour le compte de Yasser Arafat, des responsables de la DST (l’ancêtre de la DGSI). Les services français ont peu apprécié cette mauvaise manière.

    Selon le contre-espionnage français, le Mossad évite désormais les opérations létales en France et ferait moins appel à certains membres de la communauté juive de Paris. Par ailleurs, il déléguerait davantage de tâches à des sociétés privées de sécurité. L’une d’elles, baptisée « Nice », a été soupçonnée, en 2010, par le Parlement belge, d’avoir sonorisé, en 2003, les locaux du Conseil européen, à Bruxelles. Des faits jamais démontrés judiciairement. Cette entreprise, dont le capital est détenu, en partie, par des entités publiques israéliennes, a décroché plusieurs contrats en France et nie toute ambiguïté dans ses activités. Une autre société, l’agence Black Cube, attire les regards à Paris. Fondée à Tel-Aviv, en 2010, et disposant de bureaux place Vendôme, elle fait du recrutement de vétérans des services de renseignement israéliens un argument commercial, mais dément avec vigueur toute déloyauté vis-à-vis de ses clients. Signe particulier : elle a eu comme président d’honneur Meir Dagan, l’ex-directeur du Mossad (2002-2011), jusqu’à son décès, en 2016. L’homme qui, en 2010, avait autorisé l’installation du « QG » parisien de l’opération de Dubaï.

  • Les archives sauvages de la musique arabe | Pierre France

    C’est un immense patrimoine de centaines de chanteuses et de chanteurs à travers le monde arabe, du Maroc à l’Irak, qui est menacé de disparition. Les quelques tentatives de récupérer et de préserver toute cette richesse se heurtent à de nombreux obstacles financiers et à l’impéritie des États. Le mois de novembre a marqué les cinquante ans du passage à l’Olympia d’Oum Kalthoum, concerts mythiques d’une chanteuse que Bruno Coquatrix, le directeur, pensait être « une danseuse du ventre ». Mais ces concerts — (...) Source : Orient XXI

  • The world isn’t flat - Opinion
    The dangerous nation-state law declares the intention of its authors: To teach generations of Israeli Jews that the world is flat and entrust them with the mission of expelling and wiping out a nation

    Amira Hass
    Jul 24, 2018


    From a balcony in Ramallah, surrounded by friends and acquaintances, the nation-state law shrinks to its proper ludicrous proportions. The creationists erased a nation from the written text.
    And yet, nine indisputable representatives of that nation sat and joked, turned serious, reminisced, traded political gossip about senior Palestinian Authority officials, voiced fears and concerns, made predictions and retracted them. What a privilege it was for me to sit among them and enjoy what is so natural to them that they don’t even categorize it — a rootedness and a belonging that don’t need verbal trappings; a zest for life; unimaginable strength and courage.
    They were born in a village that was destroyed; in a refugee camp in the Gaza Strip; in Damascus, Jaffa, Nablus, Ramallah, Nazareth, Acre. They’re the first, second and third generations of the 1948 refugees. Some are third-class citizens — fifth-class, now — of the state that robbed them of their homeland. Some returned to their homeland after the Palestinian Authority was established in 1994 and settled down in the West Bank, subject to Israeli military orders.
    >> Planted by Netanyahu and co., nation-state law is a time bomb exploding in Israel’s face | Analysis ■ By degrading Arabic, Israel has degraded Arabs | Opinion ■ Israel’s contentious nation-state law: Everything you need to know >>
    All are members of the same nation, regardless of what is written on their identity cards. They escaped Israeli bombings in Beirut and in Gaza; they lived under Israeli-imposed curfew, siege and house arrest; they were jailed in Israeli prisons for political activity; they were interrogated by Israel’s Shin Bet security service; they raised themselves from poverty; they wandered, studied, worked in left-wing organizations.

    All of them have lost relatives and close friends, killed by Israel or in civil wars in the Arab countries where they used to live. All of them treasure the silent, pained gazes of their parents, who told them about the home that was lost 70 years ago.
    Some of them also became bourgeois. Which doesn’t spare them the checkpoints; the Israeli expressions of racism and arrogance; the forced separations from relatives who cannot go (from the Gaza Strip) or come (from Syria); the fears for the future.

    Not far, yet very far from there — under a lean-to in Khan al-Ahmar — women sit on thin mattresses placed on the ground and talk about the attack by police officers two weeks ago and a wedding party that is scheduled for this week. The strength and courage of these women from the Jahalin Bedouin tribe are equally evident. There, in those heartbreaking shelters, Israel’s greedy racism is also an immediate issue, broadcast by the spacious houses of the settlement of Kfar Adumim.
    How do they live like this, with nonstop threats and aggression from bureaucrats, soldiers, policemen and settlers who covet the little that remains to them? Where do they get the strength to live in crowded conditions that are hard to get used to, without electricity or running water — which are the minimum conditions for community life — with shrinking pasturage and shrinking income, and yet not give in to the expellers’ orders? Their strength comes from that same rootedness and natural sense of belonging, which the deniers of evolution, the drafters of the nation-state law, are incapable of understanding.
    For over a month, this community, which is threatened with a new expulsion, has been hosting mass public events — press conferences, rallies, speeches, delegations. There’s an element of exploitation and ostentation here on the Palestinian Authority’s part. Yet at the same time, another process is taking place, one that is very political: Palestinians from both urban and rural communities are liberating themselves from the alienation they used to feel toward the Bedouin.

  • Proche-Orient : la loi qui révèle la vraie nature d’Israël
    22 juillet 2018 Par René Backmann

    Le texte sur « Israël, Etat-nation du peuple juif » que vient d’adopter le parlement israélien change peu de choses aux discriminations et violences que les Palestiniens affrontent au quotidien. Mais il les inscrit dans la loi. Il livre la vérité sur le régime israélien qui a choisi d’être juif au prix de la démocratie…

  • Le gouvernement français recule sur l’étiquetage des produits des colonies israéliennes

  • Egypt’s new media laws: Rearranging legislative building blocks to maximize control | MadaMasr


    Amid backlash from various stakeholders, Parliament passed three highly contested laws regulating Egypt’s media landscape by a two-thirds majority on Monday.

    The laws, which took a convoluted and chaotic path through the legislature, set forth an array of regulations governing state and private media in Egypt that, when signed into law by President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi, will effectively disband and reformulate three key media regulatory bodies which have operated in a murky legal environment since they were first created in 2016. The most powerful of these bodies, a the Supreme Media Regulatory Council, has been granted far-reaching powers that, combined with draconian rules governing media practices contained within the law, will allow authorities to further censor the press and restrict journalists’ work.

    The new laws — parts of which have been criticized as unconstitutional — come in the context of a wider crackdown on the press in recent years with Egyptian authorities harassing and imprisoning journalists, blocking access to hundreds of websites, silencing oppositional voices and taking direct ownership of private media outlets.

    The evolution of the controversial laws over the past two and a half years sheds some light on how authorities have worked to grant themselves greater jurisdiction to assert control over the media and to clamp down on overall freedom of expression in Egypt.